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Sligoning 2 -marquessi: unutilgan irlandiyalik "qullarning ozod etuvchisi"

Sligoning 2 -marquessi: unutilgan irlandiyalik

Jon Denisning yagona farzandi va vorisi, 1 st Sligo markasi, Westport uyi mulki, Mayo va uning rafiqasi Luiza, Britaniyaning dengiz qahramoni, admiral Richard Xovning qizi va vorisi, "Shonli birinchi iyun" g'olibi va qirol Jorj III maslahatchisi Xou Piter Braun tarbiyalangan. boylik va imtiyozli muhitda.

Erta yillar: ko'proq narsalarga intilish bilan hayajonli izlanuvchi

21 yoshida u Irlandiya g'arbidagi 200 ming akrlik maydon va tengdoshlar beshta unvonini va Yamaykadagi qimmatli plantatsiyalarni meros qilib oldi. Eton va Kembrijda ta'lim olgan, uning dastlabki yillari mashhur shahzoda Regent Gollandiya uyi, Brayton va Nymarket dunyosidagi mashhur "regens dollar" obraziga, qimor uylari, uylar va London teatrlariga mos keladi. Parij salonlari, Tomas de Kvinsi, Lord Bayron, Jon Kam Xobxaus va Skrop Devis singari malumotlar safida. Pugilistlar, raqqosalar, mulozimlar, rassomlar va jokeylarning homiysi bo'lgan Sligo keyinchalik muvaffaqiyatli ot boqdi va Irlandiya turflar klubining asoschisi va boshqaruvchisi bo'ldi.

1810 yilda Napoleon urushi avj olganda, radikal Ledi Xester Stenxop va uning sevgilisi Maykl (Lavallett) Bryusga qo'shilib, Gibraltarda Sligo majburiy "katta sayohatga" chiqdi. Yunonistonga "xazina qidirish" uchun Maltada kemani ijaraga berib, u Britaniya harbiy kemasidan dengiz flotining dengizchilarini o'g'irlab ketdi. Bayron bilan bog'langan ikki do'st Gretsiyada ko'p qochishlarni bo'lishdi va Afinadan Korinfga birga sayohat qilishdi. Sligo Akropolda va Mikenada qazish ishlari olib bordi va u erda mashhur ustunlarni Atreus xazinasiga joylashtirdi (hozir Britaniya muzeyida), Turkiyaga ko'chishdan oldin.

Atreus xazinasiga mashhur kirish. ( Iraklis Milas / Adobe stok)

Bobosining milliy dengiz qahramoni maqomiga qaramay, Londonga qaytganida, Sligoga Britaniya admiralti ayblov qo'ydi. 1812 yil dekabr oyida Old Beylida o'tkazilgan "mashhurlar" sudida u "Maltadagi kemasini noqonuniy qabul qilishda ... qirol xizmatida dengizchi" bo'lganlikda ayblanib, jarimaga tortildi va Nyugeyt qamoqxonasida to'rt oyga qamaldi. Chiqarilgandan so'ng, u Gilbert va Sullivanning haqiqiy rejimida, uning sudyasi, Bayron yozganidek, onasi, beva qolgan Sligoning martionessiga "nikoh hukmini" chiqarganini aniqladi.

Germaniya shtatlari bo'ylab va Leypsigdagi jang maydonida, Napoleon urushlarining eng buyuk qirg'inlaridan birining sahnasidan so'ng, Sligo Elba oroliga yo'l oldi. U erda, oilasi Mayo okrugidan kelib chiqqan va Napoleonning sodiq marshali va ishonchli odami Anri-Gatien Bertranga uylangan Fanny Dillonning ruxsati bilan unga sobiq imperator bilan shaxsiy tomoshabinlar kelishgan. Uning Italiyadan uyiga yozgan "Napoleon haqida uzoq vaqt ma'lumot bergan" maktublari Britaniya hukumati tomonidan ushlangan va hech qachon o'z manziliga etib bormagan.

Leypsig jangining tasviri. (Aleksandr Sauerveid / )

Qirollik Sleuti

Elbadan Sligo Florensiyaga jo'nab ketdi, u erda do'sti shahzoda Regent va uning ajrashgan rafiqasi malika Karolin o'rtasidagi uzoq davom etgan ichki mojaroga aralashdi. 1814 yilga kelib qirollik nikohi farzga aylandi; Ittifoqning bir xil janjalli sheriklari, Britaniyadagi har bir g'iybatchi va karikaturachiga mo''jizaviy spekülasyonlar beradi.

Xotinining zino qilgani to'g'risida dalil topishga va unga qarshi ajrashish jarayonini boshlashga qaror qilib, knyaz Sligoning Italiya atrofidagi malika perambulatsiyasida yolg'onchi bo'lish taklifini qabul qildi. "Sizga aytmoqchi bo'lgan sirim bo'lsa, men yozaman limon sharbati… ” Sligo qirollik do'stiga maslahat berdi.

Rimdan Neapolgacha, Sligo malika uyg'onganidan keyin Neapolga yo'l oldi. Keyin Napoleonning singlisi qirolicha Karolin va uning eri Yoaxim Murat boshqargan Neapol qirolligi Sligoning sevimli joyiga aylandi. Uning xushchaqchaq, mulohazali va oson muomalasi uni qirollik juftligi va ularning farzandlariga yoqardi. Neapolda bir yil bo'lganida, u rasmiy marosimlarda "har doim malikaning yonida" saroyning eng sevimli mehmoniga aylandi, qirol Murat esa Sligoga olmos bilan bezatilgan nafis fil suyagi va tilla emaldan yasalgan chelakni sovg'a qildi. , hozir Parijdagi Napoleon to'plamining bir qismi.

Qirol Joaquim Muratning portretlari (o'ngda) (Fransua Jerar / ) va qirolicha Kerolin va uning qizi (chapda) nd Sligo markasi. (Elizabet Luiza Vigée Le Brun / )

1815 yil fevralda Napoleon Elbadan qochib, urush qayta boshlanganidan so'ng, Sligo Neapoldan uyiga jo'nab ketdi, qirolicha Kerolinaning singlisi Elisaga, Toskana Buyuk Gersoginyasi va Napoleonning onasi Madam Merega maktublarni ko'tarib yubordi. u Napoleonning Elbadan qochishi va Frantsiyaga qaytishi bilan bog'liq bo'lgan davrning xiralashgan siyosiy hiylalarida o'ynagan.

Irlandiyani jonlantirish

1816 yilda Klanikard grafining qizi Ketrin de Burgga uylanganida, o'n to'rt farzandi bor edi, Sligo oxir -oqibat Irlandiyaning g'arbiy qismidagi mulkini o'z zimmasiga oldi. Katolik emansipatsiyasining ishtiyoqli himoyachisi, ko'p dinli ta'lim (va katolik va protestant hokimiyatlari tomonidan qarshilik ko'rsatildi), shuningdek, o'sha paytdagi yomon huquq tizimini isloh qilish, u ko'plab ijarachilarining qiyin ahvolini engillashtirish uchun qo'lidan kelganicha harakat qildi. aholining tez o'sishi, bo'linishning "la'nati" va muqobil ish joylarining yo'qligi.

Bir vaqtlar Xou Piter Braunga tegishli bo'lgan Mayo okrugidagi Westport House uyi, 2 nd Sligo markasi. (Devid Stenli / CC BY 2.0 )

An'anaga ko'ra, ingliz tariflari vayron bo'lgan, bobosining an'anaviy zig'ir matolari bilan u Westportda paxta va korduroy fabrikasini qurdi, u shunday yozgan edi: "Bu mamlakatga odamlarni ish bilan ta'minlaydigan ishlab chiqarishni joriy etishdan foyda ko'rish uchun ... Men buni hech kim ergashmaydigan yo'lni ko'rsatish uchun qilaman. " Uning paxta namunali kitobi bugun Westport House ko'rgazmasida. U kelp yig'ish va baliqchilikni rivojlantirishni rag'batlantirdi va bu sohada tog' -kon ishlarini jonlantirdi. U Vestport shahri va portida savdo va ishlab chiqarishni targ'ib qildi va 1825 yilda u erda birinchi bankning tashkil etilishiga ta'sir ko'rsatdi.

1831 yilda Irlandiya g'arbini ochlik qamrab olgach, u o'z hisobidan don va kartoshka yuklarini olib kirdi, kasallarga g'amxo'rlik qilish uchun shifoxona va dispanser qurdi va Londonda yordam va qo'shimcha jamoat ishlari uchun pul yig'di. Uning sa'y -harakatlari jamoatchilik uyida Daniel O'Konnellning maqtoviga sabab bo'ldi: "Menimcha, ser, Irlandiya uy egalari o'z ijarachilari oldidagi majburiyatlarini hech qachon bajarmagan. Agar ular hozir Lord Sligo qilayotgan ishni qilsalar edi, mamlakat ulkan dangasa uyga aylanmasdi ”.

Irlandiyalik dehqon oilasi Buyuk kartoshka ocharchilik paytida o'z do'konining yomonligini kashf etdi. (Daniel MakDonald / )

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Yamayka: Status -kvoga qarshi chiqqan gubernator

1834 yilda Yamayka va Kayman orollari general -gubernatori etib tayinlanganda, Sligoning liberal va takomillashtiruvchi urinishlari shafqatsiz qullik tizimini qabul qilish uchun Atlantika okeani bo'ylab o'tkazildi. 1807 yilda Afrikadan qullarni olib kirish bekor qilingan bo'lsa -da, Britaniya G'arbiy Hindistonida qullik shakar ishlab chiqarish va daromadning asosi bo'lib qoldi. Missionerlar qullik tizimining dahshatlarini Britaniya jamoatchiligiga etkazishdi va 1833 yilda hukumat nihoyat ozodlik to'g'risidagi qonunni qabul qildi.

Biroq, qonun 4 yil davomida o'z xo'jayinlariga "shogird" bo'lgan qullarga darhol erkinlik bermadi. Abolitsionistlar tomonidan "boshqa nom ostida qullik" deb ta'riflangan, Sligo amalga oshirish uchun tayinlangan bahsli "shogirdlik tizimi" qullar tomonidan noto'g'ri tushunilgan va Yamayka plantokratiyasi tomonidan ham, Britaniyadagi kuchli tijorat manfaatlari bilan ham qarshilik ko'rsatgan.

2 nd Yamaykadagi qullik haqida gap ketganda, Sligo markasi status -kvoga qarshi chiqdi. Suratda: Yamaykada bo'lishi mumkin bo'lgan qullik tasviri. (Devid Livingston / )

Yamaykaning sobiq bosh sudyasi, Golvay okrugidan Denis Kellining vorisi, buvisi Elizabet Kellidan meros qolgan oroldagi ikkita plantatsiyaning egasi sifatida, ekuvchilar Sligo o'z tarafida bo'lishini kutishgan. Biroq, uning maqsadi, ularga "qullikning tanbehidan abadiy ozod qilingan ijtimoiy tuzumni" o'rnatish, ularni qattiq to'qnashuvga olib keldi.

Sligo qullikning vahshiyligini shaxsan jirkanch deb topdi. Dala ishchilarining aravachali qamchi bilan qamchilashidan, qizg'in temir bilan tamg'alashidan, ayol qullarning qamchiligigacha, qulning hayotining barcha jabhalarini "yelkasidagi tasma erga yiv ochadi" mantrasi boshqargan. "Zo'ravonliklar hamma narsadan o'tib ketdi", dedi Sligo Yamayka assambleyasida. "Men sizlarni insoniyatga yoqmagan xatti -harakatlarga chek qo'yishga chaqiraman."

Eng dahshatli isrofgarchiliklarga qarshi kurashish uchun u orol bo'ylab 900 ta plantatsiyada yangi shogirdlik tizimini joriy etilishini nazorat qilish uchun tayinlangan 60 ta maxsus magistrat ustidan shaxsiy aloqani va nazoratni saqlab qoldi. Sligo xo'jayinlarining haqoratidan va g'azabidan, koloniyalarda misli ko'rilmagan tarzda, "kambag'al negrga o'z shikoyatini hukumat uyiga olib boradigan bemorni eshitdi" va qora tanli aholi uchun maktablar qurishni qo'llab -quvvatladi. ularning kelajakdagi erkinligidan maksimal foyda, ularning ikkitasini u o'z mulkiga qurgan. U o'z xo'jaliklarida qora tanli ishchilarga ish haqi to'lash tizimini boshlagan birinchi plantatsiya egasi edi, keyinchalik ozod qilinganidan keyin o'z erlarini sobiq qullarga ijaraga berish uchun ko'plab fermalarga ajratdi.

Oq daryo, hozirgi Sent -Enn, Yamayka. ( LBSimms fotografiyasi / Adobe stok)

Huquq tizimini isloh qilish va lavozimidan chetlashtirish

U Irlandiyada qilganidek, Sligo Yamayka huquq tizimini isloh qilishga kirishdi. Haqiqatan ham, u yozgan edi:

"Umumiy mahalliy institutlarda adolat yo'q
Yamayka, chunki murojaat qiladigan jamoatchilik fikri yo'q
qilish mumkin. Qullik jamiyatni ikki sinfga ajratdi: to
u hokimiyatni bergan, lekin boshqasiga uzaytirmagan
himoya. Sinflardan biri fikrdan yuqori, ikkinchisi
uning ostida; shuning uchun ham uning ta'siri ostida emas ».

Qora tanlilar nomidan qilgan harakatlariga, uni "qonunlarni negr foydasiga talqin qilishda" ayblagan va Sligo ta'kidlaganidek, "meni ushlab turish uchun Yamaykani juda qizdirib yubormoqchi bo'lgan" ekishganlar yig'ini qattiq qarshilik ko'rsatdi. ” Ular uning maoshini tortib olishdi va Yamayka va Britaniya matbuotida uni haqorat qilish kampaniyasini boshladilar, natijada u 1836 yil sentyabrda lavozimidan chetlatildi.

Yamaykadagi negr aholisi uchun Sligo ularning chempioni va himoyachisi edi. Ular misli ko'rilmagan jest bilan unga kumushdan yasalgan ajoyib shamdonni sovg'a qilishdi:

"Ular uning tinimsiz harakatlarini minnatdorchilik bilan eslaydilar
azoblarini yengillashtirish va uning xatolarini tuzatish uchun
hukumatining adolatli va ma'rifatli ma'muriyati
Yamayka. "

Faxriy qullarning ozod etuvchisi

Qaytib kelgach, Sligo to'liq va zudlik bilan ozod bo'lish uchun qat'iyatli va ochiq kurashchi bo'ldi.

"Yamaykada negr haqida erkin odam sifatida gapirish xiyonatdir.
Qora va rangli populyatsiyani oqlar ko'rishadi
aholisi yarim odamdan ko'p emas, aksariyat qismi a
haqiqatan ham inson qiyofasiga ega bo'lgan oraliq irq
Uning eng yaxshi fazilatlari yo'q. "

Uning qullikka qarshi risolalaridan biri, Yamayka shogirdlik tizimi ostida, Britaniya parlamentida muhokama qilingan va 1838 yil fevral oyida "Buyuk munozaraga" ta'sir ko'rsatgan. 1838 yil 22 martda, u ta'kidlaganidek, "qullik tizimini" tugatishini yaxshi bilgan ", deb e'lon qildi Sligo. Lordlar palatasi, Britaniya hukumati muhokama natijalaridan qat'i nazar, 1838 yil 1 -avgustda Yamaykadagi o'z mulkidagi barcha o'quvchilarni ozod qiladi.

"Ishonchim komilki, davlat bilan tanish bo'lmagan hech kim yo'q
G'arbiy Hindiston koloniyalaridan va ayni paytda infektsiyalanmagan
mustamlakachilik xurofotlari, hozir shunday vaqt kelishini inkor etadi
Bu savolga yakuniy kelishuvni amalga oshirish juda muhim ".

Uning ommaviy bayonoti Britaniya hukumatini bir xil sanada hamma uchun to'liq ozodlikdan boshqa chorasi qolmadi.

Lord Sligo Yamayka tarixida sharafli o'rinni egalladi, u erda "qullar chempioni" deb tan olinadi va dunyodagi birinchi ozod qullar qishlog'i Sligovill shahri hali ham uning nomi bilan ataladi. Qullikka qarshi harakatning etakchilari Uilberforce va Buxton bilan birgalikda uning ismi 1838 yilda ozodlik memorial medali bilan taqdirlangan.

Uning G'arbiy Hindistondagi qullik tizimini tugatishga urinishi Shimoliy Amerikadagi qullikka qarshi kurashga ham ta'sir ko'rsatdi, u 1836 yilda Yamaykadan qaytgan va u erdagi yetakchi abolitsionistlar bilan maslahatlashgan.

O'lim va haqiqiy meros

Lord Sligo 1845 yil yanvar oyida ellik olti yoshida vafot etdi. Uning xohishiga ko'ra, "o'lishim mumkin bo'lgan joyda dafn etilsin ... va mening dafn marosimim iloji boricha maxfiylik bilan o'tkazilsin" va u Londondagi Kensal Grin qabristoniga dafn qilindi.

2 qabr nd Sligo markasi, Kensal yashil qabristoni. (Stivendiksson / CC BY-SA 4.0 )

Yoshlikdan tortib to liberal uy egasiga qadar, qonun chiqaruvchi va ozod etuvchi Lord Sligo o'z davriga katta hissa qo'shgan. Ilgari, irland aristokratlari, odatda, erni tortib oluvchilar, yovuz imperiyaning qurollari sifatida tasvirlangan. Siyosiy, madaniy va ba'zilar uchun diniy tafovutlar tufayli Irlandiyada, boshqa mamlakatlarda oddiy va aristokratlar o'rtasida mavjud bo'lgan ijtimoiy bo'linishdan ko'ra, ular Irlandiya tarixshunosligidan chetlatilishiga olib keldi.

Yamayka tarixida "qullarning ozod etuvchisi" va Irlandiyada "kambag'alning do'sti" sifatida Xau Piter Braunning merosi, 2 nd Sligo markasi, eng qiyin va eng og'ir paytlarda, munosib e'tirofga loyiqdir.


To'qqiz garovga olinganlar

Niall Noigíallach (Eski Irland talaffuzi: [ˈNiːal noɪˈɣiːalax], eski irlandcha "to'qqiz garovga olingan"), [1] yoki ingliz tilida, To'qqiz garovga olinganlar, 6 -asrdan 10 -asrgacha Irlandiyaning shimoliy yarmida hukmronlik qilgan Irlandiyaning afsonaviy Oliy qiroli va Uí Neil sulolalarining otasi. Irlandiyalik yilnomalar va yilnomalar manbalari uning hukmronligini 4 -asr oxiri - 5 -asr boshlariga to'g'ri keladi, garchi zamonaviy olimlar yilnomalarni tanqidiy o'rganish orqali uni taxminan yarim asrdan keyin sanashadi. Ba'zilar uni haqiqiy odam deb hisoblashadi, yoki hech bo'lmaganda yarim tarixiy, lekin u haqida bizga kelgan ma'lumotlarning aksariyati afsonaviy deb hisoblanadi.

Mur va boshqalarning 2006 yilgi gipotezasidan keyin. [2] uning Y -xromosoma imzolari topilganligini ko'rsatgan holda, ilmiy -ommabop jurnalistlar va genetik test kompaniyalari bugungi kunda millionlab erkaklar Niall naslidan uzilmagan degan fikrni ilgari sura boshladilar. [3] Biroq, gaplotip va M222 mos keladigan SNP mutatsiyasining yaqinda paydo bo'lishi shuni ko'rsatadiki, bu imzoga ega bo'lgan barcha erkaklar miloddan avvalgi 1700 yilda, Niall umridan ancha oldin yashagan yolg'iz erkakning avlodlari.


Buyuk Leviathan muhim siyosiy turbulentlik va o'zgarish davrida Irlandiya, Angliya, Evropa va G'arbiy Hindistonda muhim tarixiy voqealarga va ularni shakllantirgan odamlarga yangi nurni ochib beradi.

Savdo formatidagi qattiq disk | 442 pog'ona | ISBN 9781848406391 | Chiqarilish sanasi 2017 yil oktyabr

Irlandiya, Angliya, Frantsiya, Avstriya, Gretsiya, Turkiya va Italiyadan Amerika va G'arbiy Hindistonga, tarixiy voqealarga to'lib toshgan, Frantsiya inqilobidan Buyuk Irlandiyalik ocharchilikka qadar, mashhur va mashhur Xou Piter Braun, 2 -chi. Sligo markasi, hayotni mutlaq chegaralarda yashadi. Imtiyozli, lekin rahmdil, xarizmatik, ammo nuqsonli, Regensi Bak, irlandiyalik uy egasi, G'arbiy Hindiston plantatsiyalari egasi, Sent -Patrik ritsari, shaxsiy maslahatchi, jasur sayohatchilar, podshohlar, imperatorlar va despotlarning yaqinlari, London va Parijning zamonaviy salonlarida sevimli mehmon. rassomlar va pugilistlar, Irlandiya Turf klubi asoschisi, Lord Bayronning do'sti va sayohatchisi, xazina qidiruvchi, josus, dengizchi va qamoqchi, shuningdek o'n besh bolaning otasi, Sligoning hayotining hayratlanarli diapazoni va xilma-xilligi hayratlanarli. Sligo Angliyaning Regensi shtatidagi gidenistik o'zboshimchalik yoshligidan islohotchi, mas'uliyatli, yaxshi niyatli qonun chiqaruvchi va uy egasiga qadar Yamayka tarixida "Qullarning ozod etuvchisi", Irlandiyada esa "Kambag'al odamning do'sti" sifatida qayd etilgan. eng qiyin paytlar. Yozuvda sakkiz yil va muallifning butun dunyo bo'ylab shaxsiy va davlat arxivlarida saqlangan 15000 dan ortiq zamonaviy qo'lyozmalaridan olingan. Buyuk Leviathan muhim siyosiy turbulentlik va o'zgarish davrida Irlandiya, Angliya, Evropa va G'arbiy Hindistonda muhim tarixiy voqealarga va ularni shakllantirgan odamlarga yangi nurni ochib beradi.

Muallif haqida

Enn Chambers - biograf, yozuvchi va ssenariy muallifi. Uning kitoblari o'z ichiga oladi Granuayl: Greys O'Malli - Irlandiya qaroqchi malikasi, Eleonora, Desmond grafinyasi, La Sheridan: ajoyib diva, Ranji: Konnemara shtatidagi Maharaja, Qo'l uzunligida: Irlandiya Respublikasidagi aristokratlar va TK Uitaker: Vatanparvar portreti. Uning kitoblari Discovery, Learning Channel, Sayohat kanali, RTÉ, Lyric FM va BBC uchun teleko'rsatuv va radio hujjatli filmlar mavzusi bo'lgan.


Fakt tekshiruvi: "Irlandiyalik qullar" memi obro'sizlangan maqolani takrorlaydi

Irlandiyaliklar va qullik haqidagi uzun post qayta joylashtirildi va Facebookda tarqatildi. Matn 2008 yilda keng tarqalgan obro'sizlantirilgan maqoladan.

Matn bir nechta Facebook akkauntlari tomonidan joylashtirilgan (bu erda, bu erda, bu erda va bu erda) va minglab aktsiyalarni yaratdi. Bu 2008 yilgi maqoladan olingan, uni bu erda topishingiz mumkin.

Bu asar Jon Martinga tegishli, uning shaxsini tasdiqlash mumkin emas.

Irlandiyalik tarixchi Liam Xogan irland xalqi va qullik haqidagi afsonalar haqida ko'p narsalarni qayta yozdi (bit.ly/3hHhDSn) va bu boradagi so'nggi noto'g'ri ma'lumotlarning 2008 yildagi xabarlarida keltirilgan. Reutersga yuborgan elektron maktubida u bu asarni "irqchilik tarixiy targ'iboti" deb ta'riflagan.

O'nlab akademiklar 2016 yildagi "irland qullarining dezinformatsiyasiga" hujum qilib, ochiq xatga imzo chekishdi, u 2008 yilgi maqolani yolg'on hikoyaning manbalaridan biri sifatida ko'rsatdi (bit.ly/3hD6EJH).

Xabar quyidagi so'zlar bilan boshlanadi: “Irlandiyalik qul savdosi 30 ming irlandiyalik asir Yangi Dunyoga qul sifatida sotilgan paytdan boshlandi. Qirol Jeyms I 1625 yil e'lon qilganidek, irlandiyalik siyosiy mahbuslarni chet elga yuborish va G'arbiy Hindistondagi ingliz ko'chmanchilariga sotish kerak edi.

Bu monarx Jeyms II deb nomlangan asl maqolaning tahrirlangan versiyasi. Bu da'voni Hogan rad etdi, u bunday e'lon mavjudligiga hech qanday dalil yo'qligini aytdi va Jeyms II 1633 yilgacha tug'ilganligini ko'rsatdi (bit.ly/2YU4ixz).

Xabarda shuningdek: "1641 yildan 1652 yilgacha 500 mingdan ortiq irlandlar inglizlar tomonidan o'ldirilgan, yana 300 mingtasi qul sifatida sotilgan." Xogan, Endryu Bielenbergning "Irland diasporasi" ga ishora qilib, (bu erda), Reutersga shunday dedi: "Butun 17 -asr davomida Irlandiyadan G'arbiy Hindistonga umumiy migratsiya taxminan 50 ming kishini tashkil etgan va Irlandiyadan inglizlarga umumiy migratsiya. Hisob -kitoblarga ko'ra, 1630-1775 yillar oralig'ida Shimoliy Amerika va G'arbiy Hindistonda taxminan 165 ming kishi bo'lgan. Agar shunday bo'lsa, qaerda mem o'n yil mobaynida Irlandiyadan 300 000 majburiy deportatsiyani oladi? "

Xabarda shuningdek, irlandiyalik ayollar va qizlar afrikalik qullar bilan nasl qoldirishga majbur bo'lganligi da'vo qilinadi. Xogan bu da'voni tasdiqlovchi hech qanday dalil yo'qligini yozadi (bit.ly/2AUaZHE) va shunday deydi: "Bu tarixiy da'volar irqchilikka asoslangan sadomasochistik fantaziya va bir qismi oq supremacist afsonasi".

Xabarda shuningdek shunday deyilgan: "1650 -yillar mobaynida 10 yoshdan 14 yoshgacha bo'lgan 100000 dan ortiq Irlandiyalik bolalar ota -onasidan tortib olindi va G'arbiy Hindiston, Virjiniya va Yangi Angliyada qul sifatida sotildi". Bu raqamni tasdiqlovchi dalillar yo'q. Barbadosda, ko'pchilik irlandiyalik indentured xizmatkorlar yuborilgan, 1870 -yillarning boshlariga kelib, oq muhojirlarning umumiy soni 21500 ga baholangan (bu erda).

Irlandiya va quldorlik bilan bog'liq yana bir keng tarqalgan mem haqida Reuters ma'lumotlarini tekshiradigan maqolani bu erda ko'rish mumkin. U vaqtinchalik qullik va irqiylashtirilgan chattel qulligi o'rtasidagi farqlarni va irland guruhlariga "irland qullari" afsonalarining murojaatini tasvirlaydi.


1700-yillarning o'rtalaridagi qul rekordlari

Nemis qirg'og'i komendanti Karl Fredrik Darensburg, erta ko'chmanchilarni nazorat qilish va qonunni amalga oshirish uchun tayinlangan edi, chunki u Nyu -Orleandan 25 mil balandlikda joylashgan. U 1734 yildan boshlab imzolangan va berilgan rasmiy hujjatlarni 1769 yilda ispaniyaliklar egallagunga qadar saqlagan. Bu Darensburg rekordlari Germaniya qirg'og'ining yangi yillarida mulkni sotish, irodasi va merosxo'rligi uchun yagona manba hisoblanadi. Buning ajablanarli joyi yo'q, ular 1741 yildan boshlangan turli huquqiy bitimlarda afrikalik qullar borligini ko'rsatadi, lekin avvalgi yozuvlar yo'q bo'lishi mumkin. Ammo qullar ustunlik qilmaydi, chunki 61 ta bitimdan faqat 18 tasi qul bo'lganlarni o'z ichiga oladi. Mavjud yozuvlar kamdan -kam hollarda qullarning ismlarini beradi, ularning qabilalari va kelib chiqishi haqida hech qachon aytmaydi va fermalarning joylashishini ko'rsatmaydi. Qullarni ro'yxatga olishning hojati yo'q edi, faqat sotish yoki vasiyat qilingan taqdirda mulk sifatida.

Ko'rinib turibdiki, bu qullar erta nemis oilalarining mulkiga aylangan, chunki Darensburg kolonial hujjatlari 1741 yilda Sankt -Charlz cherkovida qul sotish haqidagi birinchi rekord sifatida berilgan, ammo tadqiqotchilar qayd etishicha, yo'qolgan bo'lishi mumkin. Xosep Andre va rafiqasi Magdelene Shmit 1741 yil 10 yanvarda Fransua Chevalga "negr" ni sotishdi. O'sha yilning 12 sentyabrida Jozef Kinterek Daniel Bopse bilan sheriklik tuzdi, unga Kinterek "3 negr, 2 negr va 2 negrit Bopsega qarshi" 1 qul va uning bolalari. ” (bu va keyingi yozuvlarning transkripsiyasi, agar boshqacha ko'rsatilmagan bo'lsa, Janalloni 3-20 tomonidan yozilgan)

Qullarning qimmatbaho ishchilar ekanligi 1747 yilda Etien Degle Andre Saurning qayig'ini o'qqa tutganida va "negr" ni yarador qilganida ko'rsatiladi - Degle jarohatlangan tirik qolmagan taqdirda Saurga uning o'rnini qul bilan ta'minlashga hukm qilingan edi (Blume 72). Saur va Degle [Daigle] erta nemis dehqonlari edi. Qulning shikastlanishining yana bir misoli - Lachaise, 1762 yil 11 -avgustda "Dupartga tegishli negrni tepgani uchun" qamalgan. Hardy De Boisblank "butun shahar bu jazoga qarshi yig'lab yubordi", deb aytdi, agar jazo qulni tepganmi yoki Lachaise qamoq jazosiga mahkum etilganmi, aniq emas, lekin 1765 yil 8 -iyulda "Mari ismli negr" ikki yoshga deBoisblanc tomonidan berilgan. Dupre va Tomas ismli qizlar, ota -onalari qulni tashlab ketmasliklari mumkin bo'lgan ko'rsatma bilan. Mari, Lachaise tomonidan tepilgan, ehtimol Lachaise yoki de Boisblankning qizi bo'lgan "Negress" bo'lishi mumkinmi?

Vasiyat va vorislik deyarli darhol qullarni o'z ichiga boshladi. 1748 yil 2 -fevral, Burginiot Remi Poisot dit -dagi "Patt ismli negr" ni Per Garcon dit Leveillega sotdi. Narx ko'rsatilmagan. Taxminan o'n yil o'tgach, 1759 yilda Jorj Drozelerning mulki uy, qullar (soni va jinsi ko'rsatilmagan), mollar, mebellar va effektlar bilan baholandi. Hujjat juda yomon ahvolda. Turli xil imloga ega bo'lgan bir xil egasi 1760 yil 12 -iyunda Jorj Troutsler [Drozeler] irodasi sinovdan o'tkazilganda paydo bo'ladi va "4000 livrga teng bo'lgan 2 ta Negress" ni o'z ichiga oladi. Biri janob Sentilliga sotildi, u uni janob Lakotreyga sotdi ».

Keyingi yili, 1761 yil 15 -oktabrda, Jan Batist Deslandning mulki baholandi, shu jumladan qullar (soni va jinsi ko'rsatilmagan), qoramol va don. Qiymatlar berilmagan. Ammo 1762 yil 5 aprelda Kristof Ovarning mulkini sotish batafsilroq edi. Unga "Mathies Heydlega sotilgan 12.250 livrlik negr, Jorj Rixnerga sotilgan Negress va 20000 livrga 4 bola" kiradi. O'sha yilning kuzida (sanasi aniq emas) Ouvrning xotini vafot etgan bo'lishi kerak, chunki uning mol -mulki baholangan, shu jumladan "zo'ravon, shoxli qoramol" va boshqalar.

Birinchi qul ozodlik 1784 yil noyabrda Mari Paket 19 yoshli qizi Felitsitni ozod qilganida, boshqa qizi Nanette Paket vafotidan keyin ozod qilinishi kerak edi (Konrad, Sent -Charlz Parish, 124).

Ispaniya hukmronligi ostida, qullar o'zlarini baholab, xo'jayinini ozod qilmoqchi bo'ladimi -yo'qmi, bu miqdorni to'lab, birgalikda harakat qilish orqali ozodlikka intilishlari mumkin edi. Luiziana shtatida bir qator sud hujjatlari mavjud. Sankt -Charlz cherkovida biri 1780 yil 13 -dekabrda, Jozef Verloin Degruysning quli 500 pasterga erkinligini sotib oldi (Konrad, Sankt -Charlz cherkovi 78). O'sha paytda, xo'jayinning va uning qulining qizi sifatida aytib o'tilgan Katalina Destrexan Minaning quli Pompaga uylandi. 1765 yilda u ozodlikka erishgunga qadar Honorato aka Jan Baptiste Honoré Destrehan ismli o'g'il ko'rdi. Katalinaning 1797 yildagi vasiyatnomasida u ozodligi aytilgan, lekin qachon va qanday ozod qilinganligi noma'lum. Honoratoning o'g'li rafiqasi Felitsit Gravier bilan (1789 yilda turmush qurgan) Fransua Onoro Destrehan, keyinchalik Luiziana shtatining Yangi yo'llariga ko'chib o'tdi va Destrehan familiyasini tashladi: uning avlodlari Honore familiyasini olishdi, shu jumladan hozirda AQShning mashhur generali Rassel Honore (manba: Ingrid Stenli). Shuni ta'kidlash kerakki, o'sha paytda Catalina Destrehan ismli ikkinchi rangli ayol bor edi, undan ba'zi hurmatli odamlar tushishi mumkin edi. U Pompe bilan turmush qurgan Katalina bilan adashmasligi kerak.


Qullik qanday shakllangani haqidagi unutilgan haqiqat 2 -tuzatish

Vashington, afro-amerikalik dala qullari orasida, Vernon tog'ining orqasida. Junior Brutus Stearns (1810-1885) rasmidan so'ng, Régnier (litograf) qo'li rangli litograf. Lemercier, Parij tomonidan chop etilgan (printer) – Kongress kutubxonasi bosma va fotosuratlar bo'limi

Amerikadagi qurolli zo'ravonlik haqida Rantt seriyasining 3 -qismi.

Ba'zida ikkinchi tuzatishning ma'nosi haqidagi bahslar tuzatish ratifikatsiya qilingan paytdan beri davom etayotganga o'xshaydi. Yo'q. Qurol nazorati tarafdorlari va qurol "huquqlari" himoyachilari o'rtasidagi ziddiyat faqat 1970 -yillarga to'g'ri keladi. Hatto 20 -asrning oxirlarida ham, Ikkinchi O'zgartirish qurolni saqlash va ushlab turish uchun individual huquqni yaratganmi yoki yo'qmi, degan bahs bo'lmagan.

Ikkinchi tuzatish huquqlar to'g'risidagi qonunni tashkil etuvchi boshqa to'qqizta o'zgartirish kabi oson tushunilmaydi. Qolganlari bizga tushunarli: Kongress dinni o'rnatuvchi yoki uning amal qilishini taqiqlovchi qonunlar qabul qila olmaydi. Kongress so'z yoki matbuot erkinligini cheklay olmaydi, odamlarni tinch yig'ilishlarni taqiqlay olmaydi yoki odamlarni hukumatdan shikoyatlarni hal qilish uchun iltimosnoma berishni taqiqlay olmaydi. Askarlar tinchlik paytida, urush paytida faqat belgilangan tartibda fuqarolar uylarida bo'linishi mumkin emas. Hukumat odamlarni yoki mol -mulkni asossiz ravishda tintuv qilish va olib qo'yish bilan shug'ullana olmaydi va bunday tintuv va olib qo'yishga ruxsatnomalar, agar ular aniq sabablar bilan tasdiqlanmagan bo'lsa, berilmasligi kerak. Va hokazo.

Bu o'zgartirishlar ingliz tiliga oson tarjima qilinadi. Biz ular birinchi o'qishda nimani anglatishini bilamiz, umuman olganda. Ikkinchi tuzatish, ayniqsa, yangi ming yillik dunyoda yashayotganlar uchun ancha sirli.

Erkin davlat xavfsizligi, odamlarning qurol saqlash va olib yurish huquqi zarur bo'lgan yaxshi tartibga solingan militsiya buzilmasligi kerak.

Bu uchta vergul bilan bitta jumla. Shunga qaramay, biz aslida nimani anglatishi haqida qizg'in munozarada turibmiz. Bir talqin, biz Ta'sischilarimizdan millat va davlat vakolatlarini muvozanatlashda kutadigan olijanob ma'noni beradi. Bu talqinni asoschilar-qul-mulkdorlarning unchalik chiroyli bo'lmagan surati qo'llab-quvvatlaydi. "Qurolli huquqlar" faollari tomonidan ilgari surilgan muqobil talqin Ikkinchi O'zgartirishni o'zgartirganga o'xshaydi.

Bunday lahzalar tinimsiz truthtellingni talab qiladi. Biz o'quvchi tomonidan moliyalashtirilganidan faxrlanamiz. Agar sizga bizning ishimiz yoqsa, jurnalistikamizni qo'llab -quvvatlang.

Militsiya nima?

AQSh Konstitutsiyasi kontekstida "Militsiya" so'zi Ikkinchi O'zgartirishni tushunish kalitidir. Ikkinchi tuzatish yangi millatni himoya qilishni ta'minlaydigan, lekin federal hukumat tomonidan nazorat qilinadigan doimiy armiyadan saqlanishni ta'minlaydigan sxemaning muhim qismi sifatida qabul qilindi. Konstitutsiyaning I moddasi, 8 -bo'limi Kongressga "qo'shinlarni ko'tarish va qo'llab -quvvatlash" vakolatini berdi, lekin bu maqsadlar uchun mablag 'ikki yildan oshmasligi kerak edi. Bu kuchlarni qo'shin yig'ish uchun to'ldirish uchun Kongressga "ta'minlash" vakolati berildi militsiyani chaqiradi Ittifoq qonunlarini bajarish, qo'zg'olonlarni bostirish va bosqinlarni qaytarish.

Militsiya qayerdan keladi? Shtatlardan. Militsiya a'zolari federal hukumat qo'lida bo'lganida, Kongressga "militsiya va Qo'shma Shtatlar Xizmatida ishlay oladigan qismlarini boshqarish uchun. " Ammo zobitlarni tayinlash va militsiyani federal nizomga muvofiq o'qitish shtatlarga tegishli edi va shtat qo'shinlari a'zolari xalqqa xizmat qilishga chaqirilmaganda, ular davlat qoidalari bilan boshqarilardi.

Militsiya konstitutsiya va huquqlar to'g'risidagi qonun loyihasi tuzilganda yangi tushuncha emas edi. Ko'p koloniyalarda militsiya bo'lgan. 1775 yil aprelda 70 kishidan iborat mustamlakachi militsiya Amerika inqilobini boshladi, 700 ingliz bilan uchrashdi, Massachusets shtatining Leksington shahrida - kimdir qarama -qarshilikda "butun dunyo bo'ylab eshitilgan o'q" ni o'qqa tutdi. Kontinental armiya 1775 yil iyunigacha tashkil etilmagan. Militsionerlar o'sha armiya tarkibida jangini davom ettirgan. Aslida, ularning generali sifatida tayinlangan Jorj Vashington 1776 yilda shikoyat qildi: "Men ... militsiyaning xatti -harakatidan bezovtalanaman, uning xatti -harakati va intizomi boshqa askarlarga katta zarar etkazgan [], bundan boshqa hech qachon ofitser bo'lmagan. bir nechta holatlar, ular yeyayotgan nonga arziydi ».

After the Revolution, state militias were maintained under the Articles of Confederation, and they continued to be maintained when the Constitution was ratified. The state militias were of recognized importance because if there were no such militias, the power granted to Congress for calling forth the Militia to execute federal laws, suppress rebellion and repel invasions would have been meaningless. The Second Amendment also offered a degree of assurance that the States could keep themselves secure from federal encroachment by recognizing the right of state militias to defend their states.

The Second Amendment never considered the right of individuals as individuals. It considered only the right of individuals in their capacity as members of a state militia. The first half of the Amendment was the important part: “A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State.” The second half of the Amendment simply ensured that State Militia, to which the first half referred, could be maintained by prohibiting the federal government from infringing on state-granted citizen rights to keep and bear arms.

How can we be sure of that? We can be sure because there was a less wholesome reason for some states to agitate for the Second Amendment.

Slavery Was At The Center Of The 2nd Amendment

When the delegates from each State reached the Constitutional Convention of 1787, they expected to address the major flaw of the Articles of Confederation—that each state was sovereign, with no centralized government over all of them. James Madison of Virginia had already drafted what was referred to as “The Virginia Plan,” proposing bicameral legislation with representatives based on population. The Virginia Plan was not adopted wholesale, but parts were accepted and it formed the basis for what became the U.S. Constitution. The delegates reached the right balance between small states and large states, and the three branches of government, and the new document was sent out for ratification by each State.

Only nine States were required to vote in favor of ratification for the Constitution to become law. Nevertheless, it was recognized that two states were particularly important to the health of the United States: New York, and Virginia. They were the most populated and wealthiest. If they did not sign on, the country would be divided into pieces: southern states, mid-Atlantic states, and New England states. Some states did not feel that a Bill of Rights was necessary (the Federalists). Others believed strongly that there should be such a Bill (the Anti-Federalists). Thomas Jefferson urged Madison to draft a Bill of Rights.

The Anti-Federalists were concerned about restricting federal power. The provision giving Congress the power to call up the Militia was especially of concern to particular states. Virginia was one. When the Virginia Ratifying Convention began in 1788, it became clear that the state’s ratification of the Constitution would be conditioned on ratification of certain amendments. The Second Amendment was crucial. It was intended to guarantee that Congress could not call upon the state militia and then use some other Constitutional power to subsume that militia.

The Virginians were slave-owners. Jefferson had inherited 175 slaves and had purchased a few more. Henry ultimately had 76 slaves. Madison had dozens of slaves. Militia was necessary because from them, “slave patrols” were formed to keep order. Virginians also wanted to avoid what had happened during the Revolutionary War: slaves were invited to join the Continental Army and thereupon became free. Henry even feared that abolitionists would find a way to use the Constitution to manumit all slaves. “In this state,” Henry emphasized, “there are two hundred and thirty-six thousand blacks, and there are many in other states.” It, therefore, was of paramount importance that State rights to maintain militias unregulated by the federal government be included as an amendment, if Virginia were to ratify the Constitution.

So the Second Amendment was born. Not to protect individual rights from encroachment, but to guarantee states the right to keep armed militia free from federal interference, in order to maintain control over black slaves. Not the noble motivation one might have hoped for. But the truth about the need for a state Militia and the intent of the Second Amendment.

The history of militia thereafter was not eventful. In 1792, the Militia Act provided the President with the power to call up the state militia closest in proximity to a conflict. It proved to be ineffective. During the War of 1812, President James Madison called for the governor of Massachusetts to send his state militia for use outside his state. The governor refused, as did those of Connecticut, Rhode Island, and Vermont.

An optimistic President Abraham Lincoln called up 75,000 militiamen from the states for a three-month tour in 1861, to assist an army of 40,000 “regulars” in protecting Washington, D.C. and blockading southern ports. Many of those militiamen were employed disastrously at Bull Run. Throughout the Civil War, spurred on by sheer enthusiasm, state militia, and less organized groups headed out to join the fray, either to protect their states or to fight for the Union or the Confederacy.

In 1862, the Second Confiscation and Militia Act empowered the president “to employ as many persons of African descent as he may deem necessary and proper for the suppression of this rebellion … in such manner as he may judge best for the public welfare.” Black militias formed and prepared to support the Union. New Orleans blacks formed the First, Second and Third National Guard units, which became the 73rd, 74th, and 75th U.S. Colored Infantry. Kansas blacks formed the First Kansas Colored Infantry, which became the 79th U.S. Colored Infantry. The First South Carolina Infantry, African Descent became the 33rd U.S. Colored Infantry.

After the Civil War ended and Reconstruction began, things got dicey. Texas, Louisiana, Arkansas, Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia were placed under the direct control of the U.S. Army. The U.S. Army maintained a presence in former Confederate States to ensure compliance with the law, but generally, the states were left alone to address their new situation. Enthusiasm for Reconstruction began to quickly wane in the North, and even before federal oversight ended, southern states returned to old ways of policing their populations of new freedmen.

Reconstruction: Southern Militias Act Badly And The U.S. Supreme Court Weighs In On the Second Amendment

Back in the north, in 1871, Union veterans Colonel William C. Church and General George Wingate founded the National Rifle Association, for the purpose of promoting marksmanship and sport shooting. The NRA at the time did not hold the view that there should be an unrestricted individual right to keep and bear arms. It simply wanted to improve safety and efficiency.

During Reconstruction, state militia became involved in reasserting control over the newly enfranchised blacks, and trying to disenfranchise and restrict their rights. White supremacist groups terrorized blacks throughout the Southern states. If Reconstructionists abolished state militia, the former Confederates turned to white supremacist groups such as the Ku Klux Klan. In some places, black militias were organized to oppose the KKK. Things got worse from there. Especially in Louisiana.

Southern Democrats were mostly former slave owners. The federal government and blacks were largely Republican. In 1872 a gubernatorial election in Louisiana led to armed conflict. President Grant sent federal troops, while southern whites formed an insurgent paramilitary group called the White League. Concerned that Democrats might attempt to seize control of an evenly split region of blacks and whites, a black militia took control of the courthouse in Colfax, Louisiana on April 1873. A mob of 150 whites, former Confederates and members of the KKK, arrived.

The massacre spread to blacks beyond the 50 that had been defending the courthouse. Three whites were killed, while 120 to 150 blacks were killed. 50 of the blacks were killed while prisoners.

The Colfax Massacre led to what is considered the first important U.S. Supreme Court case considering the Second Amendment: Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari - Cruikshank (1875). The Cruikshank opinion provides a surprising lack of information regarding the massacre involved, or even the precise nature of the claims raised, but analyzes the Second Amendment, and the Fourteenth Amendment (1868). The Court noted that in the U.S., people “are subject to two goverments”—state, and federal. It expressly stated that the Second Amendment had “no other effect than to restrict the powers of the national government.” Significantly, it did not find that the Second Amendment created any federal individual right to bear arms. The Cruikshank Court also found that while the Fourteenth Amendment prohibited states from depriving its citizens of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law, the Amendment added “nothing to the rights” of one citizen against another citizen. The Court threw the protection of its black citizens on to the state of Louisiana.

In 1877, after President Rutherford B. Hayes took office, Reconstruction was effectively over. Hayes withdrew federal troops to allow the states to govern themselves. The long era of Jim Crow inevitably followed.

In another Second Amendment case, Presser v. Illinois (1886), the Court examined a state provision making it unlawful for anyone other than regular organized volunteer state militia or U.S. troops to form a military band, drill, or parade, unless granted a license from the governor. Presser, a member of a citizen militia rather than the state militia, claimed that the statute violated his Second Amendment rights. The Court stated that the Second Amendment placed a restriction only on the federal government.

A lot of current Second Amendment debate centers on the idea that militias no longer exist. The Militia Act of 1903 began to separate state militias into organized and unorganized militias. Organized militias were a formalization of the kind of militia on which the U.S. Army wished to be able to rely: regulated, trained, and generally up to the standard of regular army units. Funding for equipment and training encampments was provided by the federal government. In exchange, the organized militia had to meet Army regulations and was subject to being called up for nine months at a time by the U.S. President. The National Defense Act of 1916 expanded the regulations to which the organized militias were subject and the circumstances in which they could be federalized. At that point, the units became the National Guard reserve force it is today.

But the unorganized militias did not vanish. Whether some militia groups simply did not want to meet the standards established by the U.S. under the Militia Act of 1903, or some states wished to keep their own militia for use within their states in case of need, many states have statutes providing for unorganized militias even today. As of 2011, at least 23 states still had militias, known as state defence forces (SDF). They range from state military, state guards, state militias, or state military reserves, and the state governor is their commander-in-chief. These “unorganized” but trained militia exist in a time of peace to serve within their state, and support the National Guard should it be called to their state. Even more, states still have active statutes for purely state militia, though they may be disused. The “Militia” of the Second Amendment has neither been entirely absorbed into the National Guard nor replaced by it.

That state defence forces, subject only to state regulation, exist in half of the U.S. means that the “well-regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State” to which the Second Amendment refers is absolutely not a dead issue. Archaic-sounding as it may be, the word “Militia” is not an obsolescence that permits (or requires) the first half of the Second Amendment to be ignored for interpretation of the Amendment to be possible. The Second Amendment can, in fact, be interpreted today to mean exactly what it meant when James Madison first put the words to paper: the federal government is prohibited from infringing on the rights to keep and bear arms that a state may grant to its citizens in the course of maintaining a state militia.

Read Part 1 Of This Series: A Bird’s Eye View Of Gun Violence In America


Slaves in the United States of America were commonly viewed as chattel and were subjected to long working hours, harsh conditions, floggings, and separation from families and loved ones. It was also relatively common, though, for slaves to display their autonomy and rebel against their masters. Common forms of rebellion included feigned illness, sloppy work, and sabotage. Running away, however, was the ultimate form of rebellion and resistance.[1] Slave owners, often befuddled as to why their property ran away, placed advertisements in newspapers to find their escaped property. Analyzing the history of slavery in North Carolina provides valuable clues that allow the scholar to understand the role of slavery and why many slaves chose to run away.

Colonial North Carolina: 1748-1775

North Carolina, unlike neighboring South Carolina and Virginia, lacked a substantial plantation economy and the growth of slavery was sluggish in colonial times. In 1705 the black population was one thousand, twenty percent of the state&rsquos population, while in South Carolina the black population numbered over four thousand. By 1733 there were an estimated six thousand blacks in the state, while South Carolina was home to approximately 39,155 blacks by the end of the decade. North Carolina, however, experienced a rapid population increase between the years of 1730-1755. The number of slaves in the state increased from six thousand to more than eighteen thousand. [2]

One of the reasons North Carolina lagged behind was the state&rsquos geography. The shore of the state is fickle with coastlines surrounded by shoal. The coastline had only a few natural harbors. A network of north-south roads developed in the Coastal Plain and Piedmont, but rivers slowed the growth of east-west routes. Minimal trade was established with the backcountry, emphasizing the supply routes to Charleston and Virginia. After 1750 the colony revitalized its road systems, promoting the growth of sea towns such as Edenton, New Bern, and Wilmington. North Carolina would become the lead exporter of naval stores in the colonies, in addition to exporting large quantities of sawn lumber, shingles, wheat, and livestock. [3]

In the northeastern and central counties tobacco was the main cash crop. Tobacco required fifty percent of a fieldhand's time, with the remaining time split between growing food and other cash crops. Slaves near the Tar and Cape Fear Rivers worked in the production of naval stores. Many slaves were forced to spend numerous hours in swampy environments rendering resins over open fires to create tar and pitch. The largest population of slaves was found in the the counties of Brunswick and New Hanover. Rice was a predominant cash crop in the Wilmington area. Rice planting was a long and arduous process under very hot and humid conditions. [4]

Revolutionary North Carolina (1775-1783)

North Carolina&rsquos population at the beginning of the 1770s, was an estimated 266,000, of whom 69,600 were black. [5] Numerous slave revolts and insurrections at the start of the decade frightened many of the tidewater elite, alienating their alliances against the British. Lord Dunmore, the last colonial governor of Virginia, issued a proclamation in 1775 stating that any slave who joined his all-black regiment was guaranteed freedom. Many slaves from northern North Carolina attempted to join Dunmore&rsquos regiment, causing panic amongst slave owners. The Revolution would continue to create chaos within the slave system in North Carolina. During the Southern Campaign many slaves flocked to British lines, hoping to find freedom. Other slaves took advantage of the confusion created by warfare and escaped. [6]

Antebellum North Carolina (1784-1860)

Slavery continued to grow in North Carolina after the end of the Revolution. In 1790 North Carolina possessed an estimated one hundred thousand slaves, making up one quarter of North Carolina&rsquos population. In the antebellum era, North Carolina gained significance as marketplace for slaves for the newly opened slave territories out west. The invention of the cotton gin increased migration rates towards the western territories and entrepreneurs purchased slaves from North Carolina prior to moving out to the western territories. A land rush increased populations in territories such as Alabama, Mississippi and eventually Texas. Between the years of 1810 and 1860 an estimated one hundred forty thousand enslaved African Americans were either sold or transported out of North Carolina. [7]

Slave and Family Life

The majority of slaves in North Carolina worked as farm laborers. The work week was five and a half days, sunup to sundown. Children and the elderly often worked in the vegetable gardens and took care of the livestock.Common crops included corn, cotton, and tobacco. Oral histories collected from the Federal Writers Project of the Works Progress Administration for the state of North Carolina illustrate the difficulties faced by slaves on a daily basis. Former slave Sarah Louise Augustus spoke frankly about slave life, &ldquoMy first days of slavery (was) hard. I slept on a pallet on the floor of the cabin and just as soon I wus able to work any at all I was put to milking cows.&rdquo [8] The majority of the enslaved population lived in huts or log cabins referred to as &ldquoquarters.&rdquo Slaves typically received three to five pounds of smoke and salted pork per week along with cornmeal. Some slaves were fortunate enough to receive ample rations from their masters, others were fed the bare minimum. Slaves typically received two suits of clothes throughout the year. During the summer slaves wore clothes made of cheap cotton, winter clothing was made from linsey-woolsey cloth. Children&rsquos clothes were commonly made of old flour or gunny sacks. Clothing was commonly given out at Christmas. [9]

Social and leisure time played a significant role in slave life. Holidays, religion, family life and music provided an escape from harsh working conditions. Former slave Charlie Barbour recalled the New Year festivities stating: &ldquoOn de night &lsquofore de first day of January we had a dance what lasts all night. At midnight when de New Year comes in marster makes a speech an&rsquo we is happy dat we is good, smart slaves.&rdquoAccording to Barbour and other slaves, Christmas was the most important holiday in the social calendar, &ldquoAt Christmas we had a big dinner. De fust one what said Christmas gift ter anybody else got a fit, so of cour&rsquose we all try to ketch de masters.&rdquo [10]

Social occasions also allowed slaves the opportunity to visit neighbouring plantations. Social gatherings included corn huskings, candy pullings, and watermelon slicings. Slaves commonly found marriage partners at these occasions. Slaveholders often encouraged relationships to occur because it resulted in the birth of children, which equated to profit. Many slave owners expected their slaves to marry and encouraged slaves to have children. [11]

Dueling Viewpoints

The Society of Friends has a long history in North Carolina. In 1777 at the North Carolina Yearly Meeting a proposal was drafted that admonished Quakers to free their slaves. [12] In 1778 the North Carolina Yearly Meeting issued an order that prohibited the buying and the selling of slaves by Quakers. One of the reasons the Society of Friends stressed abolition was the Quaker belief that slavery was a sin manumissions (the freeing of slaces) allowed Quakers to cleanse their souls of impurities. Other Quakers freed their slaves based on ideas of Natural Rights or personal preferences. [13] The Society of Friends in North Carolina also created a Manumission Society that promoted abolition outside of the Quaker faith. The North Carolina Manumission Society, founded in 1816, lasted for only fifteen years. During that time frame the Society placed anti-slavery advertisements in the Greensboro Patriot gazeta. The Society also sent antislavery petitions to the North Carolina legislature. [14]

Slave Codes and Punishment

The era after the American Revolution led to an increase regulations through the Black Codes which limited the rights of blacks. Slaves would not be able to testify against whites, would not be able to move in the countryside without a pass, could not gamble, raise or sell livestock, read or write. Slaves were not allowed to own weapons or even hunt. One common form of vigilante justice emerged when black men were accused of raping white women it involved lynching and burning the black man without a trial. [15]

Punishment for a disobedient slave varied. Whipping and other forms of physical violence were common. Eli Colemna, a slave born in Kentucky in 1846 remembered:

Massa whoooped a slave if he got stubborn or lazy. He whopped one so hard that the slave said he&rsquod kill him. So Massa done put a chain round his legs, so he je&rsquos hardly walk, and he has to work in the field that way. At night he put &lsquonother chain around his neck and fastened it to a tree. [16]

Roberta Manson commented that it was the overseer who whipped slaves, stating, &ldquoMars Mack&rsquos oversee, I doan know his name, waus gwine ter whup my mammy onct, an&rsquo pappy do&rsquo he ain&rsquot neber make no love ter mammy comes up an&rsquo take de whuppin&rsquo fer her.&rdquo [17]

Everyday Acts of Defiance

Numerous slaves practiced day to day resistance against their masters. Many of the crimes practiced were property destruction. Slaves would commonly pull down fences destroy farm equipment steal livestock, money, liquor, tobacco, flour, and numerous other objects belonging to their master. To many slaves this was not considered stealing, but instead &ldquotaking.&rdquo Other slaves would work slowly or purposely damage the crops to delay production. Some slaves would drink to relieve their frustrations. [18] Many esacaped. There were any number of underlying reasons for escape. Many slaves ran away to reunite with their family members. Slaves also ran away from their owners to avoid being sold. Fear of being whipped and flogged also prompted many slaves to escape. Running away, however, was probably the most extreme form of resistance against slave owners.

The majority of slaves who ran away were male. Female slaves were less likely to attempt an escape they began to have children during the mid-to-late teens and were the primary caregivers for children. It was generally too risky to take young children on the run. In addition, male slaves had more experience with the countryside than their female counterparts. [22] The majority of slaves who ran away were in their teens and twenties.

Perhaps one of the most famous slaves to have escaped from North Carolina was Harriet Jacobs. Jacobs is the author of Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl that was published in 1861 . Jacobs&rsquo work was instrumental because it was the first autobiography to be written that examined slavery from a woman's perspective. Jacobs claimed &ldquoSlavery is terrible for men but it is far more terrible for women .&rdquo Jacobs famously lived underneath her grandmother&rsquos crawl space for seven years prior to escaping to Philadelphia in 1842. Most importantly, Jacob&rsquos work also alluded to the high number of sexual abuse suffered by female slaves.

Life On The Run

One of the most important decisions faced by slaves, was where to run. Some slaves decided to run in the direction of lost family members while others fled to locations where they thought capture was unlikely. Many ran to the cities, hoping to get lost in the crowd. Some slaves attempted to run away in the direction of the northern United States or Canada, the mythical &ldquoPromiseland.&rdquo Slaves, while on the run, were faced with numerous obstacles to overcome. To avoid detection many attempted to pass as free persons. Free blacks differed greatly from slaves on account of their manner, language, behavior, and appearance. Slaves who knew how to write could forge a free pass that would aid in their escape. Many escaped slaves managed to incorporate themselves into the free population and worked in various occupations such as barbers, butchers, and builders.

Runaway slaves often found refuge in the swamps that populated North Carolina. One of the most popular swamps, the Dismal Swamp, located in Northeastern North Carolina provided shelter for runaway slaves for more than two hundred years. The woods and swamplands of eastern North Carolina offered many runaway slaves an opportunity to work and hide. Escaped slaves worked as shinglers, on flatboats, and in the naval stores industry.

Slaves not only had to risk the elements but also had to be weary of slave patrols. In 1802 the North Carolina&rsquos legislature passed a law enabling each county to carry out and administer its own patrol system. [19] These patrols ranged in size from two or three to a dozen men. Patrols were granted the authority to ride on to anyone's property and search buildings. Slave catchers, who specialized in hunting and capturing slaves, also posed a risk to slaves on the run. Slave catchers were commonly hired by planters and plantation managers and could typically earn upto fifty dollars for returning a runaway.

The coasts of North Carolina possessed a unique slave culture and economy. Numerous jobs on the coast were filled by slave labor. Slaves were used as sailors, pilots, fishermen, ferryman, deckhand, and shipyard workers. [20] The coast also provided many opportunities for slaves to escape. Many advertisements, such as this one from the State Gazette of North Carolina , published in Edenton on February 2nd, 1791, warned &ldquoAll masters of vessels are forbid harbouring or carrying them [slaves] off at their peril.&rdquo Many slaves who attempted to escape via the waterways traveled to port towns such as Wilmingoint, Washington, or New Bern. [21]

Slave Advertisements

Slaveowners suffered massive economic loss when a slave ran away. Owners, in a effort to find their missing slave, posted advertisements in newspapers to have their property returned. Slave advertisements were a common tool employed by slave owners to find their escaped property. Many of the advertisements varied from a brisque several lines to a lengthy description. Slave owners often placed advertisements in newspapers as a last resort and would wait for several months or even years before they placed advertisments. And by no means would every owner place an advertisement for a missing slave.

Many of the advertisements included descriptions such as demeanor, dress, abilities, skills and background. Often the slave&rsquos moral character would be described in the advertisement as well. In an advertisement from the Raleigh Register on October 14th, 1843, John White described his slave, Thompson, as having &ldquoa down look & is slow spoken.&rdquo Likewise, many slave owners described their slaves as intelligent. In an advertisement from November 11th, 1835, from the Greensboro Patriot, owner W.W. Williams stated that his slave, Davy, had "an intelligent countenance, and a very genteel form for a negro.&rdquo

The color of the slave commonly appeared in advertisements. Slaves who ran away who had light skin had advantages. Biracial slaves (known at the time as mulatto) were more likely to be believed as free persons. A January 16, 1824advertisement from the Raleigh Register read, &ldquoRan-away from the subscriber . a likely bright mulatto girl named BARBARY. and very probable she may have a free pass.&rdquo [02520901-1824-01-16-03] Other advertisers claimed that their slaves were &ldquonearly white&rdquo or could easily &ldquopass for white.&rdquo Biracial slaves were often employed as house slaves and in skilled positions such as waiters and tailors. With this training a biracial slave had a greater chance of passing as a free person.

Many factors went into deciding the reward amount for a slave. If the owner was confident the slave would be quickly returned, the reward was low. Conversely, if a slave was believed to have left the county or the state, the reward amount increased. Rewards for slaves ranged from twenty-five cents to five hundred dollars. The most commonly advertised reward was ten dollars. Slaves who possessed a specialized skill, or were especially handsome or clver, often fetched a higher price.If the slave was known to be out of state the price typically increased. On average runaway female slaves commanded a lower amount than their male counterparts. Reward amounts, however, were 5 percent or less of the value of the runaway. When an owner placed an advertisement in the newspaper there were many factors to contend with. Legal costs, hiring slave catchers, transportation charges, were all on the mind of the owner affecting reward amounts. If an owner realized that someone was harboring their slave, the price would often rise. [23] For example, in an advertisement placed in the Edenton Gazette on July 20th, 1819 by Thomas Palmer, the initial price for two runaways was fifty dollars but &ldquoif stolen and offered for sale by a white person, 100 Dollars Reward will be given for appreheading[sic] and giving information so that I may recover them.&rdquo

It is unknown how many slaves were returned to their owners because of advertisements. But rich details about slave life are available for the scholar and an analysis of these advertsiements can provide insight not only into conditions and lifestyles experienced by the slaves but also into the plantation economy and the perspective of slave owners. Perhaps most importantly, though, they provide documentation of a very early chapter in the civil rights movement--an assertion of freedom that preceeded more fomalized movements by many decades.

[1] Marvin L. Michael Kay and Lorin Lee Cary, Slavery in North Carolina, 1748-1775 ( Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1995), 97.

[2] Freddie L. Parker, Running For Freedom: Slave Runaways in North Carolina 1755-1840, (New York: Garland Publishing, 1993), 7.

[3] Kay & Cary, Shimoliy Karolinada qullik, 11.

[4] Clayton E. Jewett and John O. Allen, Slavery in the South: A State-by-State History, (Westport: Greenwood Press, 2004), 189.

[5] Parker, Running For Freedom, 8.

[6] Jewett, Slavery in the South, 191.

[7] Jewett, Slavery in the South, 192.

[8] Federal Writers' Project. The American Slave: A Composite Autobiography. (Westport,: Greenwood Pub. Co, 1972), 51.

[9] Jewett, Slavery in the South, 194.

[10] Federal Writer&rsquos Project, The American Slave, 74.

[11] Maria Jenkins Schwartz, Born in Bondage: Growing up Enslaved in the Antebellum South. ( Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2000), 187.

[12] Hiram H. Hilty, By Land and By Sea: Quakers Confront Slavery and its Aftermath in North Carolina. (Greensboro:North Carolina Friends Historical Society, 1993), 3.

[15] Jewett, Slavery in the South, 194.

[16] George P. Rawick, From Sundown to Sunup: The Making of the Black Community. ( Westport: Greenwood Publishing Company, 1972). 57.

[17] Federal Workers Project, The American Slave, 101.

[18] John Franklin & Loren Schweninger, Runaway Slaves : Rebels on the Plantation. ( Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999),18.

[19] Parker, Running For Freedom, 39.

[20] David Cecelski, The Watermen&rsquos Song: Slavery and Freedom in Maritime North Carolina. ( Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2001), xviii.


Books About Ireland

Seeing as we are being responsible and not travelling outside our counties, perhaps people might like to list their favourite books to learn about Ireland .

I will start off with the easy reading ones that trip through Ireland “ McCarthy’s Bar “

by the late Pete McCartthy, a ramble through pubs/ Ireland

“ In Search of the Craic “ a witty account by Colin Irwin, derailing his trips around Ireland looking for some great trad. musicians .

Tony Hawks’ “ Around Ireland With a Fridge” - as off beat as it sounds but an interesting insight into Ireland

An absolutely “ must read “ for Irish historical sites

38 replies to this topic

A few nice links with your last post Brid. Anne Chambers also has a book about the life of Eleanor , Countess of Desmond, wife of the Earl of Desmond, owner of Askeaton Castle. If I recall correctly someone had a post about the reopening of this castle recently, possibly Bean.

She also wrote The Great Leviathan, a book about the life of Howe Peter Browne, 2nd Marquess of Sligo. He was a descendant of Grace O' Malley and owner of Westport House. Anyone with an interest in Irish history, particularly that of the west of Ireland, the French landing, the famine, the complex relationship between the landlord class and their Irish tenants or the history of the 'big houses' will enjoy this. An interesting character he went on to become pivotal in the emancipation of slaves in the carribbean . Both books are on the heavy side so maybe not for everyone.

Also there is a chapter in Endurance , the book I mentioned earlier by O Brien press, dealing with the O' Sullivan Beara story. It's now possible to follow in o' Sullivan Beara's footsteps along the Beara- Breifne way, the longest way marked trail in Ireland for anyone with a month to spare and a good strong set of hips. . https://www.bearabreifneway.ie/

Edited: 6:24 am, October 13, 2020


Hedonism of a 19th century libertine

With dramatic twists and a vast cast of characters worthy of a Tolstoy novel, the 2nd Marquess of Sligo lived a life every bit as compelling as his contemporaries Napoleon, Byron and Nelson.

H istorian Anne Chambers' latest biography has more characters flitting in and out than a Tolstoy novel, sending the reader repeatedly thumbing backwards to remind themselves who's who. Happily, the exercise is worth the effort, and one lightened by the fact that many of the featured players are famous characters from a turbulent time in world history.

The full title is The Great Leviathan: The Life of Howe Peter Browne, 2nd Marquess of Sligo 1788-1845, and the aristocrat from Connacht proves to be as compelling a figure as Napoleon Bonaparte, Lord Byron, Admiral Nelson or any of the other giants who populate this life story packed with endless twists and turns.

As Chambers tells us early on (deep breath): "His relatively short lifespan of 56 years was crammed with a diverse and extensive range of activities as a Regency buck, an embattled Irish landlord, a peer of the realm, a West Indian plantation owner, Lord Lieutenant of County Mayo, Knight of Saint Patrick, militia colonel, Governor General of Jamaica, legislator, intrepid traveller, favoured guest at the court of successive Kings of England, as well as in the courts of Napoleon's family, founder and steward of the Irish Turf Club, spy, sailor and jailbird, as well as the father of 15 children." (And I had to substantially trim that author's list for reasons of space.)

Howe Peter Browne's Jamiacan estate

Howe Peter Browne was born into vast wealth, the son of the Earl of Altamont, who owned 200,000 acres in Mayo and Galway, plantations in Jamaica and a stately home on Dublin's Sackville (O'Connell) Street. From Gaelic nobility and English planter stock, the family's forebears included the pirate queen Granuaile.

Transplanted to England by his mid-teens, Browne embraced the hedonistic lifestyle of a privileged libertine. He forged close friendships with the debauched bisexual poet Lord Byron, and the "notorious alcoholic and drug addict" Thomas De Quincey, who would go on to pen the bestselling Confessions of an English Opium-Eater.

A hopeless spendthrift, Browne would splash enormous sums on wagers. On one occasion, "for a bet of one thousand guineas, he accepted a challenge to determine the quickest route from London to Holyhead". He apparently succeeded, too, covering the 270 miles in a record 35 hours despite suffering a breakdown of his carriage.

On another occasion he won £100 on a shrewd bet that the Dublin-born Duke of Wellington would put an end to Napoleon's reign.

Browne's numerous affairs as a young man were the stuff of scandal. One brief but passionate fling was with Pauline 'Cherie' Pacquot.

Chambers writes: "[She] was, ostensibly, a French ballerina but, as Byron more shrewdly observed 'to my certain knowledge was actually educated from her birth for her profession' as a courtesan.

"Educated in the art of seduction and possessing a certain exoticism to judge from her surviving letters, Pauline was actually well-versed in emotional blackmail. Like most wealthy patrons, Sligo provided her (and her mother) with a house, as well as paying her regular maintenance. However, as he later found out, he was not the only 'client' of his Cherie."

She gave birth to a son and claimed Sligo as the father. Despite raising doubts about his paternity, he supported mother and child to the handsome tune of £1,000 annually for years after. Betrayed by, and split from, perhaps the true love of his life, he found himself a suitable wife who, he told his mother, bore "the most remarkable likeness to Pauline that I ever saw".

But the Marquess might not have been around to see the birth of Pauline's son or got the chance to marry her doppelgänger had his sensational trial at the Old Bailey had a different outcome.

The charge - "of enticing and persuading (a seaman) to desert" - was tantamount to treason, which carried a death sentence. Indeed, the cases immediately before and after his appearance did end up with trips to the gallows.

Chambers writes: "Because of his youth, status and family connections, as well as the nature of the crime, it was the trial of the century. The courtroom was packed with many society celebrities, including the Duke of Clarence, brother of the Prince Regent, as well as members of the press anxious to report the novelty of a public trial of a peer of the realm."

Found guilty, Sligo stood in the dock to learn his sentence, aware that his life hung in the balance. He escaped relatively lightly, with a £5,000 fine and four months in Newgate prison, described as "an emblem of Hell itself". Infested with rats and lice, Newgate overflowed with the mad, the bad and the diseased. Dysentery killed more prisoners than the gallows, but it was a two-tier system and the Marquess belonged firmly in the top tier.

Chambers says Newgate was divided into "a 'commons' area for destitute prisoners and a 'state' area which housed those able to afford the 'luxuries' which made life more tolerable. Concessions ranged from a private cell with the services of a cleaning woman, lighter or no manacles, food and drink, to the services of a prostitute - all could be obtained for a price."

Browne's widowed mother was in court for the sentencing, and the oddest thing happened - she fell for the judge. The author writes: "Impressed by the judge's remarks, she asked to be introduced and a relationship that was to set society talking blossomed." He was more than 20 years her senior and the marriage was on the rocks within a year.

Having listed Sligo's 57 varieties of life choices, the author notes "each role seemed to warrant a biographical treatment in its own right". Instead she's admirably crammed the lot into 400 pages, which examine, among other things, his possible role as a go-between in arranging Napoleon's escape from Elba, his place in Caribbean history as "emancipator of the slaves" and his reputation in Ireland - after he'd mended his ways - as "the poor man's friend".

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