Senat

Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Senati federal hukumatning qonun chiqaruvchi bo'linmasining yuqori palatasi bo'lib, Vakillar palatasi quyi palata deb ataladi. Qo'shma Shtatlarda "yuqori" va "quyi" palatalar atamalari so'zma -so'z emas; ular 1780 -yillarda Senat va Vakillar palatasi AQShning sobiq poytaxti Nyu -York shahridagi bazasi Federal Hallning yuqori va pastki qavatlarida uchrashgan paytga to'g'ri keladi.

Butun dunyodagi ikki palatali (lotincha "ikki palata") qonun chiqaruvchi organlar hokimiyat darajasiga ega bo'lgan ikkita alohida organga ega, masalan, Lordlar palatasi va Buyuk Britaniya parlamentidagi Jamoatlar palatasi-Senat va Vakillar palatasi aslida AQSh hukumatida deyarli bir xil kuchga ega.

Aslida, Kongressning har ikkala palatasi qonun bo'lishi uchun bir xil qonun hujjatlarini - qonun loyihalarini - tasdiqlashi kerak. 1800 -yillarning boshidan beri AQSh Kongressining ikkala palatasi Vashingtondagi Kapitoliy binosida joylashgan.

Ta'sischilar va Senat

Garchi AQSh Senati hozirgi shaklida 1789 yilga to'g'ri keladi, Kongress hozirda birinchi marta yig'ilgan bo'lsa -da, u asoschilar tomonidan o'rnatilgan bir palatali ("bitta palatali") qonun chiqaruvchi organga kirmagan.

Dastlab, AQSh Konstitutsiyasining asoschilari yoki "asoschilari" 1777 yilda yozilgan va 1781 yilda Kontinental Kongress (13 koloniyaning har biridan vakillari bo'lgan vaqtinchalik qonun chiqaruvchi organ) tomonidan ratifikatsiya qilingan Konfederatsiya moddalari deb nomlangan hujjatni tayyorladilar. , bu asl 13 shtatga aylandi).

Maqolalarda bir palatali Kongress va Oliy sud tashkil etildi, lekin Prezident idorasi yo'q edi. Darhaqiqat, birinchi Kongress urush e'lon qilish, shartnomalarni imzolash va muzokara qilish vakolatlarini o'z ichiga olgan keng ko'lamli vakolatlarga ega edi. Boshqa davlat funktsiyalari, masalan, soliqqa tortish va uni yig'ish shtatlarga qoldirilgan.

Bu asl Kongress har bir shtat tomonidan saylangan a'zolardan iborat bo'lib, ular teng vakillik qilgan. Biroq, ko'p o'tmay, bu boshqaruv shakli ko'p jihatdan etarli emasligi ma'lum bo'ldi, ya'ni aholisi ko'p bo'lgan davlatlar, ular hukumatda o'z vakillarining kichikroq hamkasblariga qaraganda ko'proq bo'lishi kerakligi va bir palatali qonun chiqaruvchi organlar etarli nazorat va muvozanatni ta'minlamasligidan shikoyat qilishdi. hokimiyatni suiiste'mol qilishga qarshi.

Kongress va Senat o'rtasidagi farq

1787 yilda ratifikatsiya qilingan AQSh Konstitutsiyasining yozilishi bilan ramkalar chizilgan taxtaga qaytdilar va ikki palatali qonun chiqaruvchi hokimiyatni yaratdilar.

U O'rta asrlarga to'g'ri kelgan Evropadagi o'xshash boshqaruv shakllari asosida modellashtirilgan. Ta'kidlash joizki, ularning nuqtai nazari bo'yicha, Angliyada 17 -asrdayoq ikki palatali Parlament mavjud edi.

Konstitutsiya Kongressning ikkita uyini tuzdi, Senat har bir shtatdan ikki a'zoni o'z ichiga oladi, olti yillik muddatga tayinlanadi va Vakillar palatasi har bir shtatdan, aholi soniga qarab, ikki yillik muddatga saylangan turli a'zolardan iborat. .

Muhimi, Konstitutsiyada dastlab Vakillar palatasi a'zolari har bir shtat fuqarolari tomonidan saylangan bo'lsa (ma'nosi: ovoz berish huquqiga ega bo'lganlar), Senat a'zolari o'rniga 13 shtatning alohida qonun chiqaruvchi organlari tomonidan tayinlanishi belgilab qo'yilgan edi.

Bu 1913 yilgacha, Konstitutsiyaga 17-o'zgartirish kiritilganidan so'ng, bu jarayonni hozirgi holatiga o'zgartirib yubordi, senatorlar o'z shtatlari fuqarolari tomonidan olti yillik muddatga saylandi.

Senator nima qiladi?

Dastlab, uy quruvchilar kundalik tashvishlarga e'tibor qaratmoqchi edilar, Senat esa ko'proq munozarali va siyosatga yo'naltirilgan organ bo'ladi. Biroq, bu farqlar, odatda, o'sha paytdan beri o'nlab yillar davomida xiralashgan va hozirda ikkala uy bir xil kuchga ega va vazifalari bir xil.

Demak, Senat AQSh hukumati faoliyatida o'ziga xos rol o'ynaydi. Masalan:

Impichment: Vakillar palatasi hukumat amaldorlariga, shu jumladan prezidentga nisbatan impichment ishlarini qo'zg'atsa -da, Senat ayblovlarni tekshiradi va amaldorlarga qarshi ishlarni ko'rib chiqadi, ular prokuror va hakamlar hay'ati vazifasini bajaradi. 1789 yildan beri Senat 17 federal amaldorni, shu jumladan ikkita prezidentni sudladi.

Vazirlar Mahkamasi, elchi va sud nomzodlari: Prezident o'z prezident kabineti a'zolarini (shu jumladan federal hukumatning turli idoralari kotiblarini), AQShning xorijiy davlatlar va Birlashgan Millatlar elchilarini, Oliy sud sudyalarini va boshqa federal sudyalarni tayinlash huquqiga ega. Biroq, Senat ushbu tayinlovlarni tekshirish va tasdiqlash huquqiga ega. Senatning roziligini olmagan tayinlovchilar o'z lavozimlarini egallashlari mumkin emas.

Shartnomalar: Prezident chet el hukumatlari bilan muzokaralar olib borish va shartnomalar tuzish huquqiga ega bo'lsa -da, Senat bu kelishuvlarni ratifikatsiya qilishi kerak, va organ shartnoma tuzish huquqini o'z xohishiga ko'ra o'zgartiradi.

Tanqid va chiqarib yuborish: AQSh Konstitutsiyasining 1 -moddasi, 5 -bo'limi Kongressning ikkala palatasiga a'zolarni "tartibsizlik" uchun jazolash huquqini beradi. Senatda a'zolar "tsenzura" qilinishi mumkin (rasmiy atama, asosan, qoralash yoki qoralashni bildiradi), bu rasmiy norozilikdir. Senat, uchdan ikki qismining ko'pchilik ovozi bilan, a'zoni tartibsizliklar uchun chiqarib yuborish uchun ovoz berishi mumkin, bu esa ancha og'ir jazo. 1789 yildan beri Senat to'qqiz a'zoni tanqid qildi va 15 a'zoni chiqarib yubordi.

Filibuster va kiyim: Filibuster deb nomlanuvchi protsedura - qonunlar bo'yicha ovoz berishni kechiktirish yoki blokirovka qilish uchun ishlatiladigan ochiq munozara - tarix davomida ko'p marta ishlatilgan. 1957 yilda senator Strom Turmond o'sha yilning Fuqarolik huquqlari to'g'risidagi qonuniga ovoz berishni kechiktirish uchun 24 soatdan ko'proq vaqt davomida taniqli filtrdan o'tdi. Uning filibusteri Mustaqillik Deklaratsiyasini to'liq o'qishni o'z ichiga olgan. 1917 yildan boshlab, 22-qoida qabul qilinganidan keyin, Senat kiyim-kechak deb nomlanuvchi protsedurada uchdan ikki ko'pchilik ovoz bilan munozarani tugatish uchun ovoz berishi mumkin. 1975 yilda Senat taktikaning beshdan uch qismi (100 a'zodan 60 tasi) ni qabul qilish uchun kiyinish qoidasini o'zgartirdi.

Tergovlar: Kongressning ikkala palatasi ham ijro etuvchi hokimiyat (prezident va/yoki uning kabineti), shuningdek boshqa mansabdor shaxslar va agentliklarning qonunbuzarliklari bo'yicha rasmiy tekshiruvlar o'tkazishi mumkin. Senatning eng mashhur tergovlaridan biri 1974 yilda prezident Richard M. Niksonning impichmentiga olib kelgan Uotergeyt janjalidir.

Tanlovlar: Konstitutsiya, shuningdek, Kongressning har bir uyiga "o'z a'zolarining saylovlari, qaytishlari va malakalari" hakami bo'lish vakolatini beradi. 1789 yildan beri Senat o'z a'zolarining malakasini baholash va bahsli saylovlarni o'tkazish tartibini ishlab chiqdi.

Senat rahbariyati

Senat rahbariyati Vakillar palatasidan ham farq qiladi.

Masalan, agar prezident lavozimiga birinchi bo'lib tayinlangan shaxs bo'lishdan tashqari, agar bu lavozimga saylangan shaxs o'z vazifasini bajara olmasa (o'lim, kasallik yoki impichment natijasida), vitse -prezident vazifalaridan biri. Prezident bilan bir xil "chiptada" lavozimga saylangan Qo'shma Shtatlar "Senat Prezidenti" vazifasini bajarishi kerak.

Bu rolda, vitse-prezident ovoz berish huquqiga ega emas, agar qonunlar bo'yicha ovoz berish 50-50 qismga bo'linmasa. Bunday holda, vitse -prezident tenglikni samarali ravishda buzish uchun ovoz beradi. 1870 yildan beri hech bir vitse -prezident bu vazifani 10 yil davomida bajarishi shart emas edi.

Vakillar palatasi singari, Senatda ham ko'pchilik va ozchilik etakchilari bor. Ko'pchilik lideri Senatda ko'pchilik o'rinlarga ega bo'lgan partiyani ifodalaydi. Ko'pchilik etakchi Senat maydonida munozaralarni rejalashtirish uchun qo'mita raislari va ularning partiyasi a'zolari bilan muvofiqlashadi.

Senatda kam joy olgan partiyani ifodalovchi ko'pchilik lideri ham, ozchiliklar lideri ham o'z partiyalarining tanqid qilinayotgan turli masalalar va qonun hujjatlari bo'yicha pozitsiyalarini himoya qiladi.

Senatning hozirgi rahbarlari - vitse -prezident Mayk Pens va vaqtinchalik prezident Chak Grassli.

Manbalar:

Kelib chiqishi va rivojlanishi: AQSh Senati: AQSh Senati.
Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Kongressining ikki uyi: Vakillik hukumati markazi, Indiana universiteti.
Konfederatsiya maqolalari: Raqamli tarix, Xyuston universiteti.


Filibusterning kelib chiqishi va AQSh Senatini qanday g'azablantirgani

Qonunchilikni blokirovka qilish uchun marafon so'zlashuvlari kontseptsiyasi qadimgi Rimdan beri mavjud bo'lgan. Ammo amerikalik qonunchilar bu taktikani mashhur qilishdi va "yashirin" filibusterlarning yangi shaklini yaratishdi.

To'g'ri, uning nomi Gollandiyaning "qaroqchi" so'zidan kelib chiqqan, chunki filibuster aslida AQSh Senatida munozaralarni o'g'irlashdir. Bu Amerika siyosatidagi eng ziddiyatli an'analardan biridir.

Senatda ma'qullanish uchun, ko'pchilik qonunlar oddiy ko'pchilikni yoki 51 ovozni talab qiladi. Ammo qonun loyihasi bo'yicha bahslarga nuqta qo'yish uchun chegara yuqoriroq: munozarani to'xtatish uchun hozir bo'lgan a'zolarining beshdan uch qismi yoki 60 senatorning ovozi talab qilinadi. Agar kiyim -kechak uchun etarli ovozlar bo'lmasa, munozara paytida so'z berishdan bosh tortgan yoki keraksiz parlament takliflari bilan kechiktirgan bitta senator munozaraning tugashiga to'sqinlik qilishi mumkin - shu bilan qonun qabul qilinishi yoki mag'lub bo'lishi.

Filibuster himoyachilari bu ozchilik partiya huquqlarini himoya qiladi va kelishuvga undaydi, deb bahslashadi. Raqiblar ko'pchilik hukmronligini buzib, panjara yaratayotganidan shikoyat qiladilar. Bahsda ikkala tomon ham tarix va AQSh Konstitutsiyasi o'z tarafida ekanligini da'vo qilishadi.

Filibusterning kelib chiqishi haqida nimani bilishingiz kerak? Mana, bu qanday keng tarqalganligi, nima uchun fuqarolik huquqlari davrida ishlatilgani va u qanday qilib hozirgi "yashirin" filibusterga aylanganini ko'rib chiqing.


Qo'mita yurisdiktsiyasi

Senatning doimiy qoidalarining XXV, 1 (c) (1) qoidalarida ko'rsatilganidek, Qurolli Kuchlar qo'mitasi quyidagi vakolatlarga ega:

1. Qurol -yarog 'tizimlari yoki harbiy operatsiyalarni ishlab chiqishga xos bo'lgan yoki birinchi navbatda ular bilan bog'liq bo'lgan aviatsiya va kosmik faoliyat.

3. Mudofaa vazirligi, armiya boshqarmasi, dengiz floti va havo kuchlari boshqarmasi, umuman.

4. Panama kanalini saqlash va ishlatish, shu jumladan, kanal zonasining ma'muriyati, sanitariyasi va hukumati.

5. Harbiy tadqiqotlar va ishlanmalar.

6. Atom energiyasining milliy xavfsizlik jihatlari.

7. Dengiz neft zaxiralari, Alyaskadan tashqari.

8. Qurolli Kuchlar xodimlarining maoshi, lavozimga ko'tarilishi, nafaqaga chiqishi va boshqa imtiyoz va imtiyozlari, shu jumladan fuqarolik va harbiy qaramog'idagi shaxslarning chet elda o'qishi.

9. Tanlangan xizmat ko'rsatish tizimi.

10. Umumiy mudofaa uchun zarur bo'lgan strategik va tanqidiy materiallar.

Senat, shuningdek, qo'mitaga Qo'shma Shtatlarning umumiy mudofaa siyosati bilan bog'liq masalalarni har tomonlama o'rganish va ko'rib chiqish vakolatini berdi.


Rim Senati

Rim Senati Rim magistratlarining maslahat organi sifatida ishlagan va shaharning eng tajribali davlat xizmatchilari va jamiyat elitasidan tashkil topgan. Uning qarorlari, agar ular amalda har doim ham qonunlarga aylanmagan bo'lsa ham, katta ahamiyatga ega edi. Senat imperiya davrida hukumatga ta'sirini ozroq bo'lsa ham davom ettirdi.

Vaqt o'tishi bilan Senat armiyaning siyosatga aralashuvi kuchayganiga guvoh bo'ldi va navbatdagi imperatorlar a'zoligida ham, sessiyalarida ham manipulyatsiyadan aziyat chekdi. Institut barcha imperatorlardan ustun turdi va senatorlar Rimning eng qudratli siyosiy harakatchilari bo'lib qolishdi, asosiy davlat lavozimlarini egallashdi, jamoatchilik fikriga ta'sir qilishdi, legionlarni boshqarishdi va viloyatlarni boshqarishdi.

Reklama

Kelib chiqishi

Rimliklar bu nomni ishlatgan senatus hukumatning eng muhim o'rni uchun seneks "keksa" degan ma'noni anglatadi va "oqsoqollar yig'ilishi" degan ma'noni anglatadi, bu donolik va tajribaga ega. A'zolar ba'zan "otalar" yoki patres, Shunday qilib, bu fikrlarning kombinatsiyasi shuni ko'rsatadiki, Senat Rim davlati va uning xalqiga oqilona va muvozanatli yo'l -yo'riq ko'rsatishga mo'ljallangan organ edi.

An'anaga ko'ra, Rim asoschisi Romulus suverenning maslahat organi sifatida birinchi 100 a'zolik Senatni tuzdi, lekin uning Rimning monarxiya tarixidagi haqiqiy roli haqida juda kam narsa ma'lum. Respublikaning boshida, ehtimol, bu sud magistratura uchun maslahat kengashi sifatida ish boshlagan va keyin iste'fodagi magistrlar unga ko'rsatilgandek qo'shilgani uchun hokimiyat kuchaygan. lex Oviniya (miloddan avvalgi 339 yildan keyin, lekin miloddan avvalgi 318 yilgacha) a'zolarni "eng yaxshi erkaklar" dan olish kerakligini belgilab berdi. A'zolar ro'yxati har besh yilda bir marta tsenzura tomonidan tuzilgan edi, lekin senatorlar, agar nomusli ish qilmagan bo'lsalar, o'z rollarini umr bo'yi saqlab qolishgan. Masalan, miloddan avvalgi 70 -yilda noma'lum xatti -harakatlar uchun 64 ta senator yangi ro'yxatga kiritilmagan. Tizim hozirda mavjud edi, u aslida Rim hukumatida asrlar davomida hukmronlik qiladigan yangi va kuchli siyosiy sinfni yaratdi.

Reklama

A'zolik

Miloddan avvalgi III asrdan boshlab Senatning 300 a'zosi bor edi va miloddan avvalgi 81 yilda Sullaning islohotlaridan so'ng, ehtimol 500 ga yaqin senator bo'lgan, garchi o'sha kundan keyin ma'lum bir minimal yoki maksimal son bo'lmagan bo'lsa kerak. Miloddan avvalgi 1-asr o'rtalarida Yuliy Tsezar islohotlarni boshladi, o'z tarafdorlariga a'zolikni berdi va Rimdan boshqa shaharlardagi muhim shaxslarni o'z ichiga qamrab oldi, shunda 900 senator bor edi. Avgust keyinchalik a'zolikni 600 ga kamaytirdi. Senatorlar boshchiligida shahzodalar senatus, har doim bahslarda birinchi bo'lib gapirgan. Respublikaning so'nggi yillarida bu lavozim ahamiyatsiz bo'lib qoldi, lekin Avgust davrida u yana mashhurlikka erishdi.

Senat to'liq aristokratik patris sinfining a'zolaridan tashkil topmaganligiga dalillar bor, hatto ular a'zolarining ko'pchiligini tashkil qilgan bo'lsa ham. Ba'zi senator bo'lmaganlar - tribunalar, o'tlar va keyinchalik questorlar kabi ba'zi turdagi magistrlar - Senat majlislarida ishtirok etishlari va gapirishlari mumkin edi. Har doim bunday a'zolarni keyingi senzurada to'liq senatorlar qilishdi. Tabiiyki, barcha a'zolar sessiyalarda faol qatnashmagan va ko'pchilik ma'ruzalarni tinglagan va ovoz bergan bo'lardi.

Haftalik bepul elektron pochta xabarnomasiga yoziling!

Senator unvoni o'ziga xos imtiyozlarga ega edi, masalan, Tiriya binafsha chiziqli toga kiyish huquqi (latus klavusi), senatorlik uzuk, maxsus poyabzal, epitet (keyinchalik uch martabali: klarissimi, tomoshabinlar, tasvirlaydi), ma'lum moliyaviy imtiyozlar va ommaviy festival va o'yinlarda eng yaxshi o'rindiqlar. Cheklovlar ham bor edi, hech bir senator Italiyani Senatning ruxsatisiz tark eta olmasdi, katta kemalarga egalik qila olmasdi yoki davlat shartnomalarini tuza olmasdi.

Kuriya

Senat Rimning turli joylarida yoki uning chekkasida, shahar chegarasidan bir mil narida uchrashdi, lekin bu joy muqaddas bo'lishi kerak edi. templum. Aniq nomzod ma'bad edi, lekin Senat ko'pincha Rimdagi jamoat binosi Kuriyada uchrashardi. Birinchisi, erta qirollikda ishlatilgan Curia Hostilia, keyin Sulla tomonidan qurilgan Curia Cornelia va nihoyat, Caesar tomonidan qurilgan Curia Julia, Avgust tomonidan tugatilgan va undan keyin ishlatilgan. Mashg'ulotlar ochiq eshiklar siyosati bilan ochiq edi, bu odamlarga tashqarida o'tirib, xohlasa tinglashlariga imkon berdi.

Reklama

Qonun hujjatlari va ish yuritish

Senatning rasmiy vazifasi magistratlarga (konsullar, tsenzorlar, questorlar, aedillar va boshqalar) farmon va qarorlar bilan maslahat berish edi. Ko'pgina senatorlarning o'zlari amaliy boshqaruv tajribasiga ega bo'lgan sobiq sudyalar bo'lganligi sababli, uning qarorlariga jiddiy ahamiyat berildi, shuning uchun amalda vetolar kamdan-kam uchradi (lekin, masalan, xalq yig'ilishi tribunalari, tribun plebis). Magistratlar, shuningdek, o'zlari bir yillik ishlaridan keyin Senatga qaytishini o'ylashlari kerak edi. Amalga oshirilgandan so'ng farmonlar qonunga aylandi. Istisno holatlarda, respublikaning qulashi natijasida yuzaga kelgan inqirozlar paytida, Senat favqulodda qarorlar chiqarishi mumkin edi va qildi (senatus maslahat yakuniy) davlatni himoya qilish zarur deb topdi.

Miloddan avvalgi 4 -asrdan boshlab Senat davlat siyosatiga tobora ko'proq ta'sir o'tkaza boshladi, chunki xalq yig'ilishlari va magistratlar susayib ketdi. Senat ichki siyosat kabi masalalarni, shu jumladan moliyaviy va diniy sohalarni, birinchi navbatda takliflar ishlab chiqishga qaror qildi, shundan keyingina xalq yig'ilishlarida munozara qilish imkoniyati paydo bo'ldi. Tashqi siyosat, shuningdek, chet el elchilarini eshitish, legionlarni taqsimlash, viloyatlar yaratish va chegaralarini belgilash kabi masalalar sifatida qaraldi. Mavjud qonunlar va ularning kamchiliklari ham muhokama qilinishi mumkin. Bundan tashqari, Senat Rimning eng qudratli kishilarining obro'sini, ayniqsa, muvaffaqiyatli harbiy yurishlar uchun tantanali mukofotlarga ega bo'lish huquqiga ega edi.

Reklama

Protsess protokoli saqlangan (senatus maslahat) va jamoatchilik arxivida yoki Tabulariumda maslahatlashish uchun nashr etilgan. Amaliyot Avgust tomonidan to'xtatildi. Senatorlar har doim bu yozuvlarga kirishlari mumkin edi, lekin deyarli har doim senator bo'lgan yozuvchilar o'z asarlarida ulardan iqtibos keltirishdan uyalishmagan.

Imperatorlik davri

Senat Avgust imperator bo'lganidan keyin ham nufuzli organ edi. Senatorlar munozaralarni davom ettirdilar va ba'zida imperatorning harakatlarini ma'qullamadilar va tarixchi F.Santangelo ta'kidlaganidek, Senat "harbiy, fiskal va diniy masalalarda muhim imtiyozlarni saqlab qoldi va to'g'ridan -to'g'ri nazorat qilinmaydigan viloyatlarning gubernatorlarini tayinladi. Avgust "(Bagnall, 6142). Senator bo'lmaganlar bilan bir qatorda senatorlar bilan bog'liq ba'zi qonuniy ishlar (masalan, pora, tovlamachilik va odamlarga qarshi jinoyatlar) Senat tomonidan hal qilingan va ularning hukmini imperator bekor qila olmagan.

Senat muhim tantanali va ramziy vakolatlarga ega bo'lgan obro'li organ bo'lib qoldi, uning a'zoligi hanuzgacha Rim elita fuqarolarining intilishlari edi, endi yangi a'zolarga faqat quaestorship (yiliga 20 ta) saylanishi orqali kirish mumkin edi. Avgust a'zolikka minimal mulkiy malakasini kiritdi va keyin senatorlik tartibini yaratdi, unga ko'ra faqat senatorlarning o'g'illari yoki imperator maqomi berilganlar senator bo'lishlari mumkin edi. Asrlar mobaynida imperiya kengaygan sari senatorlarning geografik kelib chiqishi miloddan avvalgi III asrga kelib, senatorlarning 50 foizigacha Italiya tashqarisidan kelgan.

Reklama

Amalda, davom etayotgan ta'sir va obro' -e'tiborga qaramay, senatorlarning vakolatlari respublikaning eng yuqori pog'onasiga qaraganda ancha kamaygan edi. Senatorlarning kichik guruhini endi imperator tayinlagan (konsilium) Avgustning o'zi shaxsan o'zi raislik qiladigan Senat to'liq muhokama qiladigan narsani aniqladi. Tiberiy (eramizning 14-37-yillari) boshqa tashrif buyurgan kishi edi, lekin u bu marosimdan voz kechdi konsiliumhatto keyingi ko'plab imperatorlar ham xuddi shunday norasmiy maslahat panelini tuzgan bo'lsalar -da, ba'zi senatorlar. Haqiqiy siyosiy hokimiyat imperatorlar qo'lida edi, lekin shunga qaramay, Senat Prensiya davrida ko'p miqdordagi qonunlarni qabul qilishni davom ettirdi. Yana bir muhim ta'sir senatorlarning nutqlari edi, lekin imperatorlar buni o'zlari qila boshlaganlarida (ma'ruzalar), keyinchalik ular huquqshunoslar tomonidan keltirildi va ular amalda qonun kuchiga ega bo'lishi mumkinligini ko'rsatdi. Avgust imperatordan boshqa har kimning nutqiga vaqt chegarasini ham qo'ydi. Senat nufuzi pasaygan bo'lishi mumkin edi, lekin imperatorlarga rasmiy ravishda o'z vakolatlarini berdilar, shuning uchun ularning qonuniyligi hukmronlik qildi. Senat, shuningdek, imperator hukmronligi to'g'risida oxirgi so'zni ochiq dushman deb e'lon qilish yoki ularning xotirasini rasman o'chirib tashlashi mumkin edi.damnatio xotiralar).

Senatga tahdidlar

Rimning kundalik boshqaruv tizimidan kelib chiqadiganlardan tashqari, Senat hokimiyatiga to'g'ridan -to'g'ri qiyinchiliklar bo'ldi. Miloddan avvalgi 70 -yillarda Ispaniyada Sertorius tomonidan raqib organ tuzilgan va Senatning o'zi respublikaning o'limi paytida ko'pincha fraktsiyalarga bo'lingan, senatorlarning katta guruhlari o'sha davrning eng qudratli odamlari Marius, Pompey, va Qaysar. Ko'plab senatorlar ham bu ambitsiyali odamlarning siyosiy hiyla -nayranglariga putur etkazishdi va Senatdan haydalishdi yoki undan ham yomoni.

Imperatorlik davrida ko'pchilik imperatorlar Senat Rim elitasining muhim ovozi ekanligini va ularning imperiya faoliyatida ishtirok etishining aksi ekanligini tan olishgan, lekin ularning ishtiroki, imperatorlik nutqlariga ahamiyat berish va undan uzoqlashish. Qonunchilikni qabul qilish uchun ovoz berish o'rniga, e'tiroz bildirish shuni ko'rsatadiki, Senat haqiqiy siyosiy munozaralar maydoni sifatida doimiy ravishda rad etilgan.

Diokletian (284-305 yillar) va Konstantin (306-337 yillar) tomonidan olib borilgan islohotlar ko'plab davlat lavozimlarini senatorlardan otliqlarga o'tkazdi yoki hech bo'lmaganda ikki sinf o'rtasidagi farqni yo'q qildi. Keyinchalik kech imperiya Senatni ikkita organga bo'lish to'g'risida muhim qarorni ko'rdi, biri Rimda, ikkinchisi Konstantinopolda. Imperator endi ikkinchi shaharda yashaganligi sababli, Rim Senati faqat mahalliy ishlar bilan shug'ullana boshladi. Senat o'z ishini davom ettirdi va hatto Rim imperiyasidan ham o'tib ketdi, lekin u hech qachon respublikaning o'rta asrlarida Rimga katta boylik va harbiy qudratga ega shaxslar hukmronlik qilguniga qadar bo'lgan kuch va obro' -e'tiborni qaytara olmaydi.


Filibusterning qisqacha tarixi

Filibusters ilhomlantirgandan ko'ra ko'proq g'azablantiradi.

10 soat 35 daqiqa tinimsiz gaplashgandan so'ng, Xuey Long senatorlariga bir oz charchamaganligini ma'lum qildi. "Men shu erda qolaman va yana o'n soat ketaman", dedi u. "Men bu erda osmonda bo'laman va shu narsani muhokama qilyapman."

1935 yil 12 -iyunga o'tar kechasi soat 10:30 edi va senator Long peshindan beri yakkingda, yutqazishini bilgan ovoz berishni oldini olishga harakat qilardi. Senat prezident Franklin Ruzveltning milliy tiklanish to'g'risidagi qonunini uzaytirishga tayyor edi, u bunga qarshi edi va u qonun loyihasini o'limgacha muhokama qilmoqchi edi. Huey juda qiziqarli suhbatdosh edi, shuning uchun tomoshabinlar galereyani to'ldirishdi, ularning ko'pchiligi shaharda yig'ilish uchun Shriner edi. "Menda yangi ilhom borga o'xshaydi", deb e'lon qildi Long. "Men" Yana o'n soat gapiring "degan ovozni eshitgandekman."

O'zining epik tanglik paytida, Long asosan Milliy tiklanish to'g'risidagi qonunni e'tiborsiz qoldirdi, Konstitutsiyadan o'qishni, Muqaddas Kitobdan iqtibos keltirishni va mast amakisi va tug'ilgan Luiziana ilonlari haqida kulgili hikoyalar aytishni afzal ko'rdi. U hazillashib "Gver va Ruzvelt ma'muriyatlari tomonidan qabul qilingan har bir qonunni" bekor qilish to'g'risida qonun loyihasini taklif qildi. U istiridye qovurish bo'yicha bosqichma-bosqich dars berdi, keyin axlat qutisini oldi va qozon tayyorlashni ko'rsatdi. "Agar sizda bu axlat savatining uchdan ikki qismiga yaqin sholg'om ko'katlari bo'lsa,-dedi u,-siz kesilgan, lekin aniq bo'lmagan, bir yarim kilogramm yon go'shtni qo'yishingiz kerak. teri qismi… ”

Kecha davom etar ekan, Long o'z nutqini vaqti -vaqti bilan maqtab, uni "bu mahoratli nutq", "ajoyib nutq" va "bu tanada qilingan eng buyuk nutqlardan biri" deb ta'riflagan. 15 soat davomida filtrlashdan so'ng, u hatto "men pul yig'ishga ishonmayman" deb e'lon qilishga jur'at etdi. Keyin u ko'pchilik yakkaxon filibusterlarni - tabiatning chaqirig'ini yo'q qiladigan kuchli kuchga qarshi chiqdi. Ertalab soat 3:50 da siydik pufagi yorilib ketdi, Long polni tashlab erkaklar xonasiga yugurdi. Tez orada Senat qonun loyihasini qabul qildi.

Long -marafon monologi aktyor Jimmi Styuartning 1939 yilgi Frank Kapraning klassik filmidagi mashhur filibuster sahnasidan ilhom oldi. Janob Smit Vashingtonga ketadi. Va film yolg'onchi qahramon sifatida korruptsion siyosiy tuzumni mardonavor tarzda engib o'tuvchi senator haqidagi doimiy tushunchani yaratishga yordam berdi. Bu yurakni isitadigan tasvir, lekin afsuski, bu afsona. Filibusterlarning ko'pchiligi yakkaxon ham, jasur ham emas va ular ilhomlantirgandan ko'ra ko'proq g'azablantiradilar.

Filibusterlarning rang -barang tarixi - bu idealizm, kinizm, egomaniya, bufunizm va haqiqatni aytadigan bo'lsak, katta irqchilikning smorgasbordidir. Va bu qonun loyihasini o'limga qadar gapirishdan ko'ra ko'proq narsani o'z ichiga oladi. "Filibuster - bu ozchilik ovoz berishni oldini olish uchun ishlatadigan har qanday qurilma, chunki ko'pchilik g'alaba qozonadi", - deydi Senatning rasmiy tarixchisi Donald A. Ritchi. Darhaqiqat, hozirgi kunda panjara yaratish uchun faqat filibuster tahdidi etarli.

Filibusters qadimgi Rim Senatini, shuningdek Britaniya parlamentini bog'lab qo'yishdi. Qaerda bo'lmasin, qonun chiqaruvchilarni, ular yo'qotishini biladigan ovozlarning oldini olish uchun to'xtab qolgan qonunchilarni topasiz. Ammo to'xtash AQSh Senatining bir qismidir. Ta'sischilar Senatni odamlarga yaqinroq bo'lgan Vakillar palatasining tekshiruvi sifatida yaratdilar va shuning uchun, ta'sischilarning fikriga ko'ra, yovvoyi ehtiroslar va injiqliklarning ishtiyoqi alangalanadi.

Erta respublikada filibusterlar Kongressning ikkala palatasini bog'lab qo'yishdi, lekin 1811 yilda Uy munozaralarni cheklash uchun qoidalar qabul qildi. Senat, kattaroq egolardan tashkil topgan kichikroq organ, munozaralarni cheklashga bo'lgan barcha urinishlarni yana 106 yil mag'lub etdi. Binobarin, Senat tez-tez ozchilikning qo'lidan kelardi, yoki bir a'zosi bilan.

1841 yilda, Senatning ko'pchilik vakillari Senatning rasmiy printerlarini ishdan bo'shatmoqchi bo'lganida, demokratik ozchilik bir hafta davomida ishdan bo'shatildi va munozara shaxsiy hujumlarga aylandi, shuning uchun Alabama shtatining demokrat Uilyam King Uig lideri Genri Kleyni duelga chaqirdi. Kley bu chaqiriqni qabul qildi va agar kiboshni otishma uyushtirgan magistratura oldiga olib borilmaganda, bu ikki kishi bir -birini o'ldirishlari mumkin edi. Bir necha oy o'tgach, demokratlar bir necha hafta davomida Whig bankining hisob -kitobiga qarshi chiqishdi. G'azablangan Kley Senatning ko'pchiligida munozarani to'xtatishga ruxsat beruvchi qonunni qo'llab -quvvatlashini e'lon qildi, lekin u hamkasblari Vigs unga qarshi ovoz berishlarini aytganlarida, u rad etishga majbur bo'ldi.

1846 yilda janubiy senatorlar Meksikadan er sotib olish uchun pul ajratish to'g'risidagi qonun loyihasiga qarshi chiqishdi, chunki unda sotib olingan hududda qullikni taqiqlovchi tuzatish mavjud edi. Bir oy davom etgan filibusterdan so'ng, ajratish o'tdi, lekin qullikka qarshi choralar ko'rilmagan.

Filibusters fuqarolar urushidan keyingi o'n yilliklar mobaynida tobora ommalashib bordi, bema'ni senatorlar federal kumush sotib olishdan qora saylov huquqlariga qadar bo'lgan qonun loyihalarini o'ldirishga harakat qilishdi. 1903 yilda Benjamin "Pitchfork Ben" Tillman, Janubiy Karolinalik demokrat, Senat o'z davlatiga 47000 dollar to'lamaguncha, kutilayotgan barcha qonun hujjatlarini buzish bilan tahdid qildi - ishonasizmi yoki yo'qmi - 1812 yilgi urush. Senat qachon mablag'ni taslim etdi va ma'qulladi, Rep Jozef Kannon uyning tagiga ko'tarildi va Senatdan "protsedura usullarini o'zgartirishni" talab qildi. Agar bo'lmasa, "odamlar tomonidan qo'llab -quvvatlangan uy bu o'zgarishni majbur qiladi", deb qo'rqitdi. Cannon's House hamkasblari uning nutqini yoqtirishdi, lekin Senat o'zining yuksak shohligida bunga e'tibor bermadi. Senat qoidalarini o'zgartirish uchun Uyni haqorat qilishdan ko'ra ko'proq narsa kerak. Bunday holda, Birinchi jahon urushi kerak edi.


Missisipi shtati senatori Teodor Bilbo 1938 yilda "Saksoniya tsivilizatsiyasini" himoya qilish uchun linchalashga qarshi qonun loyihasini yubordi. (Kongress kutubxonasi)

1917 yil mart oyida - Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari urushga kirishdan sal oldin - Prezident Vudro Vilson Kongressni Amerika savdo kemalarini nemis suv osti kemalariga qarshi qurollantirish to'g'risidagi qonun loyihasini qabul qilishga chaqirdi. Viskonsin shtatining progressiv Robert LaFollette boshchiligidagi o'nlab urushga qarshi senatorlar qonun loyihasini filtrlashdi va uni mag'lub etishdi. Uilson bu "irodali odamlarning kichik guruhini" qoraladi va Senatdan filibusterlarni jilovlashni talab qildi. Urush paytidagi vatanparvarlik g'azabida Senat 22-qoidani qabul qilib, senatorlarning uchdan ikki qismi "kiyim" uchun ovoz bergan taqdirda, qonun loyihasini muhokama qilishni to'xtatishga ruxsat berdi.

Kiyinish qoidasi kichik guruh tomonidan filibusterlarni kesish usulini taqdim etdi, lekin u senatorlarning uchdan biridan ko'prog'i tomonidan qo'llab -quvvatlanadigan filibusterlarga qarshi kuchsiz edi, bu esa janubiy demokratlar fuqarolik huquqlari to'g'risidagi har qanday mazmunli qonun loyihasini o'ldirish uchun qanday ishlatganligini tushuntiradi. 47 yil.

Janubiy filibusterlar qora tanlilarga teng huquqlarni kengaytirishga qaratilgan har qanday urinishlarni yengish uchun mo'ljallangan jiddiy, yaxshi tashkil etilgan kuch o'yinlari edi. O'nlab yillar davomida Uy kamsitishni taqiqlash va qora tanli fuqarolarning ovoz berish huquqini himoya qilish uchun qonun loyihalarini qabul qildi, faqat Senatda filibusterlar tomonidan o'ldirilgan qonun loyihalarini ko'rish uchun. Oq to'dalar qora tanlilarni tez-tez jazosiz qoldiradigan davrda, janubiy senatorlar filibusterlardan foydalanib, 1922, 1935, 1938, 1948 va 1949 yillarda linchingga qarshi qonun loyihalarini yengishgan.

Ozchiliklar guruhlariga bo'lgan huquqlardan voz kechish uchun janjallashish paytida janubiy senatorlar ozchiliklarning huquqlarini himoya qilish vositasi, ya'ni ozchilik senatorlarning fuqarolik huquqlari to'g'risidagi qonun loyihalari bo'yicha ovoz berishga to'sqinlik qilish huquqi degan ma'noni bildirishdi.

Missisipi shtatidan senator Teodor Bilbo: "Filibuster bo'lmasa, ozchilik ko'pchilik rahm -shafqatida bo'lardi".

"Filibuster - aqlning oxirgi himoyasi, ozchiliklarning yagona himoyasi", dedi Texas shtatidan senator Lindon Jonson, 1949 yildagi fuqarolik huquqlari to'g'risidagi qonunga qarshi.

Merilend shtatidan senator Millard Tydings bu dalilni yanada chuqurlashtirdi: "Masihni xochda xochga mixlagan bu kiyim edi".

Tarixdagi eng uzun yakka filibuster fuqarolik huquqlariga qarshi monolog bo'lganligi ajablanarli emas. Bu 1957 yilda, Lyndon Jonson Senatning ko'pchilik lideri bo'lgan paytga to'g'ri keldi. Jonson prezident bo'lishni xohlardi, lekin agar u Senatning mashhur filibusterlari bilan bog'langan bo'lsa, u hech qachon Demokratik partiya nomzodini yuta olmasligini hisoblab chiqdi. Shunday qilib, u fuqarolik huquqlari to'g'risidagi qonun loyihasini shunchalik ehtiyotkorlik bilan tuzdiki, janubiy hamkasblari unga qarshi chiqmaslikka rozi bo'lishdi. Ammo bitta senator bu shartnomani buzdi - Janubiy Karolinadan Strom Turmond, u qayta saylanishdan xavotirda edi.

1957 yil 28 -avgustda Turmond tanasini suvsizlantirish uchun hammom tanaffusini talab qilmasdan suyuqlikni o'zlashtirishi uchun bug 'hammomini qabul qildi. Malt tabletkalari va pishirilgan gamburger va tug'ralgan pumpernikel bilan qurollangan, u soat 20:54 da gapira boshladi va keyingi 24 soat 18 daqiqa davomida to'xtamadi. U barcha 48 shtatlarning ovoz berish qonunlarini o'qidi va Jorj Vashingtonning vidolashuv maktubidan iqtibos keltirdi, lekin bundan 35 yil oldin u ota-onasining 16 yoshli qora tanli xizmatkorini, shu bois saqlamoqchi bo'lgan odamlardan birini emprenye qilganini aytishni unutdi. uning qizi alohida ajratilgan.

Turmondning marafoni 1953 yilda senator Ueyn Morz tomonidan o'rnatilgan filibuster rekordini buzdi, o'shanda Oregon shtatining maveriki neft hisobini 22 soat 26 daqiqa davomida rad etdi. "Men uni tabriklayman", dedi Morm Thurmond haqida. “It takes a lot out of a man to talk so long.”

But Thurmond’s Southern colleagues didn’t salute. They were livid when Strom’s publicity stunt sparked a barrage of phone calls and telegrams from angry segregationists back home, who demanded to know why they weren’t helping Thurmond fight for white supremacy.

“If I had undertaken a filibuster for personal political aggrandizement,” said Richard Russell of Georgia, the leader of the Southern caucus, “I would have forever reproached myself for being guilty of a form of treason against the South.”

Seven years later, in 1964, President Johnson committed his own “treason against the South” by supporting a strong civil rights bill. Again, Southern senators tried to kill the bill by filibuster, but times had changed. American television viewers had watched Southern cops attacking nonviolent black protestors with nightsticks, dogs and fire hoses, and civil rights had become the moral issue of the age.

On March 30, as the Southerners started filibustering, CBS News reporter Roger Mudd began filing bulletins from the steps of the Capitol several times a day, standing next to a clock that ticked off the days and hours of the filibuster. The clock reached day 57—June 10—when Sen. Robert Byrd of West Virginia finished his 14-hour anti–civil rights speech, and then the Senate finally voted on a cloture motion. The motion required 67 votes—two-thirds of the Senate—and everyone knew it would be close.

A Senate clerk called the roll. "Janob. Aiken.”

Two navy corpsmen wheeled Sen. Clair Engle, a California Democrat, down the center aisle. Engle was dying of brain cancer and his voice was too weak to be heard. Slowly, painfully, he lifted his hand and pointed to his eye.

"Janob. Engle votes ‘aye,’” said the clerk.

The “ayes” won. For the first time in history, the Senate voted to break a filibuster on a civil rights bill. Nine days later, the Senate passed the landmark law that ended segregation.

The filibuster was tainted by its connection to Southern racism, but after 1964, it became just another legislative tactic, used by all kinds of senators for all kinds of reasons. For starters, in 1968 a bipartisan filibuster defeated President Lyndon Johnson’s nomination of Abe Fortas as chief justice of the Supreme Court.

In 1975 the Senate changed the number of votes needed for cloture from 67 to 60. Two years later, a pair of senators opposed to a natural gas deregulation bill tried to kill it with a “post-cloture filibuster”—bringing up scores of amendments and demanding time-consuming roll call votes on each. After 13 days of mind-numbing tedium, Robert Byrd, who was then Senate majority leader, thwarted the filibuster with a complex parliamentary maneuver, and the bill passed.

In 1987 Republicans defeated seven cloture votes to kill a Democratic campaign finance reform bill. When Democrats brought up the bill again in 1988, Republicans launched another filibuster. “We are ready to go all night,” said Republican Whip Alan Simpson of Wyoming. “We will have our sturdy SWAT teams and people on vitamin pills and colostomy bags and Lord knows what else.”

During the long night, Republican senators boycotted a roll call vote and in their absence, Democrats voted to command the Senate sergeant-at-arms to “arrest the absent Senators and bring them to the Chamber.” Sergeant-at-Arms Henry Giugni found Republican Robert Packwood of Oregon in his office and arrested him. Packwood insisted that he be carried into the Senate chamber—and at 1:17 a.m., he was. Despite the theatrics, the Republicans still killed the bill. “The events of the last 48 hours,” noted Republican Warren Rudman of New Hampshire, “were a curious blend of ‘Dallas,’ ‘Dynasty,’ ‘The Last Buccaneer’ and Friday Night Fights.”

That filibuster was a team effort others were solo performances. In 1981 William Proxmire, a Wisconsin Democrat, spoke for 16 hours and 12 minutes to protest the fact that the national debt had reached a trillion dollars. (Now it’s over 12 trillion.) In 1986 Alphonse D’Amato, a New York Republican, spoke for 23 hours and 30 minutes to protest a defense bill that failed to fund a warplane made in his home state. In 1992 D’Amato spoke for 15 hours and 14 minutes against a bill that he claimed would hurt a New York typewriter company. (In both years, perhaps not coincidently, D’Amato faced tough reelection battles.)

The number of filibusters has soared since 1986, which might be connected to the fact that the Senate began televising its debates that year. Since then, senators from both parties have defeated judicial nominations by filibustering—or threatening to filibuster. This now occurs so often that it has become a ritual: When Democrats threaten to filibuster, Republicans demand “a simple up-or-down vote.” When Republicans threaten to filibuster, Democrats demand an up-or-down vote.

Whatever their party affiliation, critics of the filibuster are undeniably correct: The tactic is intrinsically undemocratic. But so is the Senate itself—a legislative body in which every state gets two votes whether it contains 550,000 people, like Wyoming, or 36 million, like California.

The Senate could end all filibusters by simply voting to amend its rules. Periodically, a senator proposes such a change, but the proposal inevitably fails because deep down, senators love the filibuster. They love it for two reasons. The high-minded reason was summed up by Sen. Byrd in 1989: “The framers of the Constitution thought of the Senate as the safeguard against hasty and unwise action by the House.” The less high-minded reason was summed up by Senate historian Donald Ritchie in 2010: “Asking a senator to speak for a long time isn’t a punishment. They love to do that.”

And so the filibuster goes on. Va yana. Va yana. Occasionally it gets downright bizarre. I witnessed one of those occasions on November 12, 2003, when I was covering the Senate for the Washington Post. Democrats were threatening to filibuster against four of George W. Bush’s judicial nominees. In response, Republicans concocted a wacky new tactic—the anti-filibuster filibuster. For more than 30 hours—all of one night and deep into the next—the Republicans filibustered to protest the Democrats’ plan to filibuster.

This anti-filibuster filibuster incensed Democrat Harry Reid of Nevada so much that he protested against it by—yes, you guessed it!—filibustering. He denounced the anti-filibuster filibuster for eight solid hours. Reid’s speech was the Senate’s first anti-anti-filibuster filibuster—and it included recipes for goulash, advice on how to keep rabbits out of the garden and a dramatic reading of six chapters of his book about his boyhood hometown of Searchlight.

It made for a long, absurd, surreal spectacle, and those of us who witnessed it will never forget it, no matter how hard we try.

Peter Carlson writes our Encounter column. His latest book is K Blows Top.


Schumer: Barrett Confirmation ‘One of the Darkest Days’ in Senate History

Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D., N.Y.) said on Monday that Amy Coney Barrett's confirmation to the Supreme Court will "go down as one of the darkest days" in the Senate's history.

At the close of his speech ahead of the Senate's confirmation vote, Schumer lamented that "generations yet unborn will suffer the consequences" of Barrett's nomination and characterized Monday as "one of the darkest days in the 231-year history of the United States Senate."

While notably more civil than the last confirmation battle to confirm Justice Brett Kavanaugh, Democrats have sought to cast Barrett as a retrograde jurist and a political pawn of the GOP. They have argued, among other things, that a Barrett appointment to the Supreme Court would end Obamacare or provide President Donald Trump with an advantage in the event of a contested election.

Senate Democrats also lambasted Barrett for her use of the term "sexual preference" while discussing the Supreme Court case Obergefell v. Hodges, even though leading Democrats have used the term for years.

For her part, Barrett has sought to return focus to her originalist jurisprudence, arguing that her appointment would not lead to dramatic changes in Supreme Court precedent.

But when Republicans voted to approve Barrett's nomination last week, Democrats boycotted the vote, leaving in their empty seats poster pictures of constituents who would be harmed if Obamacare were overturned. Legal experts said it is highly unlikely the Supreme Court will undo the health care law.


Defending Lynching or the Ugly Secret History of the Filibuster

Sadly, in some ways the newly elected U.S. Senate was worse than the Turn of the 20th Century cesspool. In particular, the new Senate became a bastion of racism and white supremacy.

The U.S. Senate’s darkest hour came in the 1920s and 1930s when Southern Senators fought to protect their constituents’ right to lynching. Lynching was the murder of people, usually black men and boys, by organized white mobs. By the 1930s, lynching was so blatant that newsreel cameras sometimes recorded such murders.

U.S. Senators Edward P. Costigan (D-Colorado) and Robert F. Wagner (D-New York) tried to discourage lynching with The Costigan-Wagner Act. The Act made it a crime for law enforcement officials, such as Southern sheriffs, to ignore lynching.

A group of Southern Senators used a legislative strategy called the Filibuster to block the Act. The U.S. House of Representatives passed other anti-lynching acts in 1937 and 1940. The Southern Southerners killed those laws with the filibuster.

The filibuster is an arcane Senate tradition that lets any Senator speak for as long as he or she wants. In addition, a group of Senators can use the filibuster to block any legislation. To explain, Senate rules require 60 votes to override a filibuster. That gives some Senators unlimited power to block legislation.

Disgustingly, the US Senate did not pass an anti-lynching law until 2020. Efforts to pass anti-lynching legislation failed in the 1955 and in 2005. Notably, in 2020 U.S. Senator Rand Paul (R-Kentucky) filibustered against the Emmett Till Antilynching Act. Paul, a libertarian thought the Act threatened free speech.


Senate History

Below are some important events that have shaped the Oklahoma Senate throughout the 100-plus years of it’s existence.

The Oklahoma Land Run begins.

Congress adopts the Oklahoma Organic Act.

The Sequoyah Convention begins. Many of Oklahoma's founding leaders participating in the Convention that sought to create a second state in Eastern Oklahoma.

Congress adopts OK Enabling Act, unifying the two territories into one state.

Oklahoma adopts its constitution and becomes the 46th state in the Union.

The 1st Legislature convenes.

Henry Johnston is elected as Oklahoma's 1st President Pro Tempore of the Senate.

Senate receives notice of the Governor's approval of HB 363 and HB 557, creating the foundation for the state's taxes.

SJR 8 is enrolled and referred to the people. The Join Resolution would refer to the people a motion to move the State Capitol, but did not decide on a location.

Governor Haskell calls a Special Session to decide on a location for the State Capitol.

Senate amends the location of the State Capitol proposed by the House and suggest the Capitol's current location on Lincoln Boulevard.

The House accepts the amendments and affirms the Senate's proposal to locate the Capitol on Lincoln Boulevard. Voters would later affirm the decision on June 11, 1910.

The groundwork begins on the State Capitol. In the meantime, legislative work is conducted in the Huckins Hotel in downtown Oklahoma City.

The cornerstone is laid by Solomon Layton, the architect of the Capitol.

The Legislature convenes in the unfinished State Capitol building.

The Capitol is opened to the public.

Hiram Powers and Helen Wood are wed in a ceremony taking place in the State Capitol, the first of many to follow.

Ms. Lamar Looney is the first woman ever elected to the Oklahoma State Senate.

The Senate receives articles of impeachment for Lieutenant Governor Trapp. The Senate adopts rules and proceedures for the Court of Impeachment for the first time.

The Senate receives articles of impeachment during a Special Session called by Governor Walton. The Senate duly suspends the Govenror pending the outcome of the trial.

Governor Walton is convicted and removed from office by the Senate.

The Senate receives articles of impeachment for Governor Johnston, but ultimately acquits the Governor of all charges.

The Senate receives articles of impeachment for Governor Johnston, this time on broader grounds of administrative incompetence, corruption, and election violations. The Senate refused to suspend the Govenror from office during his trial.

The Senate convicts the Governor on one charge of incompetence and removes him from office.

The Senate enters Session at the height of the Great Depression and on the eve of the inauguration of Governor Murray.

The Governor's measures, by Session's end, are largely defeated by an uncooperative Senate. The only measure to become law dealt with the creation of the Oklahoma Tax Commission.

The Balanced Budget Amendment to Oklahoma's Constitution is forwarded to the people for a vote.

The first African American State Senator, E. Melvin Porter, is elected.

The first Republican Governor, Henry Bellmon, is elected.

Justice Johnson is impeached by the House and removed the Senate following the revelation that he, and Justice Welch received several bribes in exchange for favorable rulings. Justice Welch resigned prior to the impeachment trial.

The Senate passes SJR6, a constitutional amendment to limit Legislative Sessions to 90 days and to meet on an annual basis.

The troubles surrounding the redistricting progress begin to recede after the federal government passed the Voting Rights Act, clarifying the parameters of future redistrcting processes.

The people approve SQ 435, previously known as SJR6, to limit Legislative Sessions to 90 days on an annual basis. Prior to this constitutional amendment, the Legislature met every two years.

Voters approve an initiative petition pushed by then Governor Bellmon to fix a firm deadline on sine die adjournment. The petition set the last Friday of May as the deadline for sine die adjournment.

Governor Bellmon calls a Special Session to pass legislation that would improve the state's public school system.

The Senate receives HB 1017, otherwise known as the Education Reform Act, and begins to debate the measure. The measure raised revenue from a variety of sources.

The Senate considers HB 1017 and, after vigourous debate and multiple amendments, passes the measure.

Capitol Dome construction begins.

The Capitol Dome is commemorated

A competitive election results in the first, and so far only, instance in Oklahoman history wherein the Senate was evenly split between the Democratic and Republican Parties. Republicans and Democrats agree to a power sharing framework wherein there would be two Pro Tempores, two Chairs for each committee, and two vice chairs

Republicans assume control of the Senate for the first time in its history. President Pro Tempore Glenn Coffee is elected to lead the body.

Senator Floyd is elected as minority leader for the Democratic Caucus of the Oklahoma State Senate. She is the first woman in to be elected to the position.

Senator Kim David is selected by President Pro Tempore Treat to be the Floor Leader of the Oklahoma State Senate. She is the first woman to be selected for the position.


Kelib chiqishi

The delegates to the Constitutional Convention of 1787 did not provide for congressional committees when they drafted the Constitution of the United States. Nevertheless, a select committee of eight Senators, often suggested to be the precursor to the present-day Judiciary Committee, was appointed one day after the Senate first convened in 1789. The select committee was tasked with drafting what would become the Judiciary Act of 1789. This landmark Act established the present three-tiered hierarchy of the federal judiciary, and the Office of the Attorney General.

Temporary committees commonly convened in the House and Senate during the early years of Congress. The small size of Congress made it unnecessary to create permanent committees. In the Senate, ad hoc committees were comprised of three to five members depending on the issues assigned. These committees met as needed to discuss issues at their desks in the Senate chamber.

The rapid growth of the nation after the turn of the 19th century and the increase in the number of members of Congress resulted in greater complexity in the federal lawmaking process. Elected officials in both the Senate and House recognized that the legislative business of the rapidly expanding country could no longer be addressed within the structure of select committees. In a resolution adopted on December 10, 1816, the Senate established the body's original standing committees, including the Committee on the Judiciary. The House Judiciary committee had been established three years earlier.


Tarix

The Senate Special Committee on Aging was first established in 1961 as a temporary committee. It was granted permanent status on February 1, 1977. While special committees have no legislative authority, they can study issues, conduct oversight of programs, and investigate reports of fraud and waste.

Throughout its existence, the Special Committee on Aging has served as a focal point in the Senate for discussion and debate on matters relating to older Americans. Often, the Committee will submit its findings and recommendations for legislation to the Senate. In addition, the Committee publishes materials of assistance to those interested in public policies which relate to the elderly.

The Committee has a long and influential history. It has called the Congress' and the nation's attention to many problems affecting older Americans. The Committee was exploring health insurance coverage of older Americans prior to the enactment of Medicare in 1965.

Since the passage of that legislation, the Committee has continually reviewed Medicare's performance on an almost annual basis. The Committee has also regularly reviewed pension coverage and employment opportunities for older Americans. It has conducted oversight of the administration of major programs like Social Security and the Older Americans Act. Finally, it has crusaded against frauds targeting the elderly and Federal programs on which the elderly depend.

Senator Frank Moss (D-Utah) brought to light unacceptable conditions in nursing homes. Senator Frank Church (D-Idaho) worked on adding more protections for seniors in the area of age discrimination. Senator John Heinz (R-Pennsylvania) reviewed Medicare's Prospective Payment System to see whether it was true the system was forcing Medicare beneficiaries to be discharged "quicker and sicker."

When the statute of limitations for age discrimination in employment claims had lapsed, Senator John Melcher (D-Montana) worked to restore the rights to America's older individuals. Senator David Pryor (D-Arkansas) investigated the pricing practices for prescription drugs and his efforts helped change the pricing behavior of pharmaceutical companies. Senator Bill Cohen (R-Maine) led the way to enactment of strong health care anti-fraud legislation. Under Senator Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) the committee investigated abuses in the nursing home and funeral home industries. Sen. John Breaux (D-Louisiana) focused the committee's work on long-term care.

Over the years, the Committee has been in the thick of the debate on issues of central concern to older Americans. As the baby boom generation begins to retire en masse, the work of the Special Committee on Aging has only just begun.

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