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Edvard Kostigan

Edvard Kostigan

Edvard Kostigan 1874 yil 1 -iyulda Beulahvillda tug'ilgan. Bir necha yil o'tgach, oila Koloradoga ko'chib o'tdi. U 1899 yilda Garvard universitetini tamomlagan va 1900 yilda Denverda advokat sifatida ish boshlagan.

Kostigan respublikachilar partiyasining a'zosi edi, lekin 1912 yilda Koloradoda Progressiv partiyani tuzishga yordam berdi. O'sha yili u Kolorado gubernatori bo'lishga urinishda muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchradi.

1917 yilda Prezident Vudro Vilson Kostiganni AQSh Tarif komissiyasining a'zosi etib tayinladi. U 1928 yil mart oyida iste'foga chiqqunga qadar komissiyada ishlagan. Hozir Demokratik partiyaning a'zosi bo'lgan Kostigan 1930 yilda Senatga saylangan.

U prezident etib saylanganidan keyin Franklin D. Ruzvelt dastlab ommaviy ishlarning katta xarajatlariga qarshi chiqdi. Biroq, 1933 yilning bahoriga kelib, o'n besh milliondan ortiq ishsizlarning ehtiyojlari mahalliy hukumatlar resurslarini to'ldirdi. Ba'zi hududlarda, odamlarning 90 foizga yaqini yordamga muhtoj edi va nima qilish kerakligi aniq edi. Kostigan, Frensis Perkins, Garri Xopkins, Rexford Tuguell, Robert LaFollette Robert Robert Vagner, Fiorello LaGuardiya va Jorj Norris yakunda uni mag'lub etishdi.

1933 yil 9 martda Ruzvelt Kongressning navbatdan tashqari sessiyasini chaqirdi. U a'zolarga ishsizlikni faqat "hukumatning o'zi ishga yollash orqali" hal qilish mumkinligini aytdi. Keyingi uch oy davomida Ruzvelt taklif qildi va Kongress ishsizlik muammosini hal qilishga uringan bir qator muhim qonun loyihalarini qabul qildi. Kongressning maxsus sessiyasi "Yuz kun" deb nomlandi va Ruzveltning yangi bitimiga asos bo'ldi.

NAACP Franklin D. Ruzveltning saylanishi linchga chek qo'yishiga umid qilgandi. Linzaga qarshi ikki afroamerikalik kampaniyachi Meri MakLeod Betun va Uolter Frensis Uayt Ruzveltga g'alabaga yordam berishda faol qatnashdilar. Prezidentning rafiqasi Eleanor Ruzvelt ham uzoq vaqtdan beri linchga qarshi bo'lgan.

Kostigan va Robert F. Vagner linch jinoyatini jazolaydigan qonun loyihasini tuzishga kelishib oldilar. 1935 yilda Ruzveltni Kostigan-Vagner Billini qo'llab-quvvatlashga ko'ndirishga urinishlar bo'ldi. Biroq, Ruzvelt o'z mahbuslarini linch to'dalaridan himoya qila olmagan sheriflarni jazolaydigan qonun loyihasi foydasiga gapirishdan bosh tortdi. U janubdagi oq tanli saylovchilar, agar u qonun loyihasini qo'llab -quvvatlasa, uni hech qachon kechirmasligini va shuning uchun keyingi saylovda mag'lub bo'lishini ta'kidladi.

Hatto gazetalarda Rubin Steysi linzalari paydo bo'lishi ham Ruzveltning bu boradagi fikrini o'zgartira olmadi. Olti deputat Steysi 1935 yil 19 -iyulda Mayamidagi Deyd okrugidagi qamoqxonaga kuzatib qo'yishdi, u oq to'da tomonidan olib ketildi va Marion Jonsning uyiga osib qo'yildi. The New York Times keyinroq "keyingi tergov shuni ko'rsatdiki, Steysi, uysiz ijarachi, ovqat so'rash uchun uyga ketgan; ayol Steysining yuzini ko'rib qo'rqib ketgan va baqirib yuborgan".

Kostigan-Vagner Kongressning ko'plab a'zolari tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlandi, ammo janubiy muxolifat uni mag'lub etishga muvaffaq bo'ldi. Biroq, bu mavzu bo'yicha bo'lib o'tgan milliy munozaralar linch jinoyatiga e'tiborni qaratishga yordam berdi.

Edvard Kostigan 1937 yil 3 yanvarda Kongressdan nafaqaga chiqdi. U Denverda advokat bo'lib ishga qaytdi va 1939 yil 17 yanvarda vafotigacha shu erda qoldi.

Har bir shtat yurisdiktsiyasidagi shaxslarga qonunlarning teng himoyalanishini ta'minlash va linch jinoyatini jazolash to'g'risidagi qonun loyihasi.

Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Senati va Vakillar palatasi Kongressda qabul qilingan bo'lsin, bu Qonunning maqsadlari uchun "to'da yoki tartibsiz yig'ilish" iborasi, ushbu Qonunda ishlatilganda, tarkibidan tashkil topgan yig'ilishni bildiradi. uch yoki undan ortiq shaxslar, qonuniy vakolatisiz, [har qanday odamni hayotidan mahrum qilish yoki unga jismoniy shikast etkazish maqsadida] har qanday tinchlik zobiti hibsida bo'lgan har qanday odamni o'ldirish yoki yaralash uchun maqsad yoki oqibat bilan bunday shaxsni qonuniy huquqdan mahrum qilish yoki qonunlarni teng himoya qilish.

Sek. 2. Agar biron -bir davlat yoki hukumat, uning bo'linmasi o'z yurisdiktsiyasidagi har qanday shaxsning hayoti yoki shaxsini olomondan yoki tartibsiz yig'ilishlardan himoya qilishni ta'minlamasa, e'tiborsiz qoldirsa yoki rad etsa, bu harakatlarning oldini olish yoki jazolash yo'li bilan, bunday davlat bunday muvaffaqiyatsizlik, e'tiborsizlik yoki rad etish tufayli bunday shaxsga qonuniy jarayonni va shtat qonunlarining teng himoyalanishini inkor qilgan deb hisoblanadi va shu maqsadda yurisdiktsiya doirasidagi shaxslarga kafolat kafolatlanadi. Qo'shma Shtatlar kafolatlangan bo'lsa, ushbu Qonun qoidalari qabul qilingan.

Sek. 3. (a) har qanday shtat yoki hukumat bo'linmasining har qanday ofitser yoki xodimi, har qanday jarohatlangan yoki o'ldirilgan har qanday shaxsning hayotini yoki shaxsini himoya qilish vazifasi yuklangan yoki bunday zobit yoki xodim sifatida vakolat yoki vakolatlarga ega. to'da yoki tartibsiz yig'ilish yoki har qanday shtat yoki hukumat bo'linmasining har qanday ofitser yoki xodimi qamoqda saqlanayotgan, bunday shaxsni shikastlanishdan himoya qilish uchun barcha sa'y -harakatlarini bajarmasa, e'tiborsiz qoldirsa yoki rad etsa. yoki o'lim jazosiga mahkum etilgan yoki har qanday shtat yoki hukumat bo'linmasining har qanday xodimi yoki xodimi bunday to'dada yoki tartibsiz yig'ilishda qatnashgan har bir kishini ushlamaslik, e'tiborsizlik yoki rad etishdan bosh tortish, ushlab turish yoki jinoiy javobgarlikka tortish. ushlash, hibsda ushlab turish yoki bunday davlat qonunlariga binoan yakuniy hukm chiqarishda o'z burchini bajarish uchun tirishqoqlik bilan qatnashgan barcha shaxslar jinoyat sodir etadilar. va aybdor deb topilgan taqdirda, ular 5000 AQSh dollaridan oshmaydigan jarima yoki besh yildan ko'p bo'lmagan muddatga ozodlikdan mahrum qilish bilan jazolanadi.

b) har qanday shtat yoki hukumat bo'linmasining har qanday xodimi yoki xodimi, shtat qonunlari ostida bunday ofitser yoki xodim sifatida ish olib boradigan, mahbusni qo'lida yoki nazoratida ushlab turadigan, har qanday shaxs bilan til biriktiradigan, birlashtiradigan yoki birlashadigan. bunday mahbusni qonuniy vakolatisiz yaralash yoki o'limga mahkum qilish uchun to'da yoki qo'zg'olonchilar guruhi a'zosi, yoki kimdir bilan asirlikka olinishi yoki uning nazoratidan yoki nazoratidan olinishiga ruxsat berish uchun til biriktirgan, birlashtirgan yoki birlashtirgan. olomon yoki tartibsiz yig'in tomonidan [qonuniy vakolatisiz] yaralangan yoki o'ldirilgan bo'lsa, jinoyat sodir etiladi, va bunday ofitser yoki xodim bilan til biriktirgan, birlashtirgan yoki birlashtirgan shaxslar ham jinoyat sodir etadilar. jinoyat. Aybdor deb topilganda, unda ishtirok etayotgan tomonlar kamida besh yil yoki umrbod yigirma besh yilgacha ozodlikdan mahrum qilish bilan jazolanadi.

Sek. 4. Qo'shma Shtatlar okrug sudi, agar odam olomon yoki tartibsiz yig'in tomonidan jarohatlangan yoki o'limga mahkum etilgan bo'lsa, shikast etkazilgan yoki jarohat olgan shtat qonunlariga muvofiq jazolash va sudlash huquqiga ega. qotillik sodir etilgan, unda qatnashgan har qanday va barcha shaxslar: shart bilan, birinchi marta shunday sudga murojaat qilish kerakki, (1) shtat zobitlari bunday qonunbuzarlarni qonun hujjatlariga muvofiq ushlash, jinoiy javobgarlikka tortish va jazolash vazifasini yuklagan. davlat bunday huquqbuzarlarni ushlamagan, ta'qib qilmagan yoki jazolamagan, e'tiborsiz qoldirgan yoki rad etgan bo'lishi kerak; yoki (2) jinoyat yurisdiktsiyasiga ega bo'lgan shtat sudida xizmat qilishi mumkin bo'lgan sudyalar bunday jazoga shunchalik qattiq qarshilik ko'rsatadiki, jinoyat sodir etganlar bunday shtatda jazolanmasligi ehtimoli yo'q. sud. Bunday jinoyat sodir etilganidan keyin o'ttiz kundan oshiq vaqt mobaynida ayblanuvchilarni ushlash yoki ayblash yoki bu shaxslarni jinoiy javobgarlikka tortmaslik, ta'riflanmaganlik, e'tiborsizlik yoki rad etishning dastlabki dalillarini tuzish uchun etarli bo'ladi. yuqoridagi shartda.

Sek. 5. Odamlar jiddiy jarohat olgan yoki olomon yoki tartibsiz yig'inlar tomonidan o'ldirilgan har qanday graflik [10 000 AQSh dollarini yo'qotadi, bu summa AQSh nomidan bunday graflikka qarshi oiladan foydalanish uchun undirilishi mumkin. agar shunday bo'lsa, o'ldirilgan odam; agar uning oilasi bo'lmasa, unga qaram bo'lgan ota -onasi bo'lsa; aks holda AQShdan foydalanish uchun] shikastlangan shaxs yoki uning qonuniy vakillari oldida kamida 2000 AQSh dollari miqdorida yoki 10 000 AQSh dollaridan oshmagan zarar uchun javobgar bo'ladilar, bu summa bunday okrugga qarshi fuqarolik da'vosi bilan undirilishi mumkin. Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari okrug sudida, bunday shaxs jarohat yoki o'limga mahkum etilgan. Bunday da'voni Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining tuman prokurori [AQShning] tuman okrug sudiga beradi. Agar sud qarori chiqarilgandan keyin undirilmagan bunday summa to'lanmasa, bunday sud tumanning har qanday mol -mulki ustidan yig'im undirish yo'li bilan to'lashni amalga oshirish huquqiga ega yoki uni boshqa yo'l bilan mandamus yoki boshqa tegishli tartibda to'lashga majbur qilishi mumkin; va bunday tumanning har qanday xodimi yoki boshqa shaxs sud binosining qonuniy buyrug'iga bo'ysunmasa yoki bajarmasa, unga nisbatan hurmatsizlik uchun jazo va qonun hujjatlarida nazarda tutilgan har qanday boshqa jazo qo'llanilishi kerak. Qaytarilgan summa marhumning kreditorlarining barcha talablaridan ozod qilinadi. Bunday sud qarori bilan undirilgan summa jarohatlangan kishiga to'lanadi, yoki o'lim bilan tugatilsa, o'liklarning mol -mulkini taqsimlashni tartibga soluvchi qonunlarga muvofiq taqsimlanadi, keyin bunday o'lim sodir bo'lgan shtatda amal qiladi.

Sek. 6. Agar o'limga mahkum qilingan har qanday odam, uni qo'lga olish va o'lim jazosiga qadar bo'lgan vaqt mobaynida, bunday olomon yoki tartibsiz jamoalar tomonidan bir okrugdan boshqa graflikka ko'chirilgan bo'lsa. Men o'lim jazosiga hukm qilingan shaxs, birgalikda undirilgan zararni to'lashga majbur bo'laman. Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari okrug sudining har qanday tuman sudyasi, agar ushbu Qonun qoidalariga muvofiq har qanday da'vo qo'zg'atilgan bo'lsa, tuman sudining buyrug'i bilan bunday da'vo yoki prokuratura o'zi tayinlagan tumanning istalgan joyida ko'rib chiqilishi mumkin. buyurtma

Sek. 7. Qo'shma Shtatlarning biron bir shtatida yoki hududida AQSh fuqarosi yoki chet el fuqarosining huquqlari buzilgan holda sodir etilgan har qanday xatti -harakatlar, xuddi shunday fuqaro yoki AQSh bilan bunday xorijiy davlat o'rtasida tuzilgan shartnoma bilan ta'minlangan. Qo'shma Shtatlarning tinchligi va qadr -qimmatiga qarshi jinoyat, xuddi shu shtatda yoki hududda bo'lgani kabi, o'z sudlarida ham jazolanadi va o'z sudlarida ham xuddi shu shtat yoki hududda bo'lgani kabi jazolanadi. Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari sudlarida jinoiy javobgarlikka tortiladi va sud hukmi chiqarilgach, xuddi shu qonunlar bo'yicha jinoyat sodir etganlik uchun hukm qilinganidek hukm chiqariladi.]

Sek. 8. Agar ushbu Qonunning biron bir qoidasi yoki uning har qanday shaxsga yoki holatlarga nisbatan qo'llanilishi haqiqiy emas deb topilsa, qonunning qolgan qismi va boshqa shaxslar yoki holatlarga nisbatan qo'llanilishi ta'sir qilmaydi.]

1935 yil 3 yanvarda Kongiganga "Kostigan Vagner" linchiga qarshi qonun loyihasi kiritiladi. Linchlikni yo'q qilishdan manfaatdor bo'lgan bir guruh milliy tashkilotlar AQSh fuqarolari uchun 6 yanvar haftasini tanladilar. ushbu qonun loyihasi bo'yicha o'z his -tuyg'ularini quyidagicha ifoda eting:

1. Prezident Franklin D. Ruzveltga yozing yoki telegraf qiling, Oq uy, Vashington, Kongressning sessiyasida Kostigan-Vagnerning linzaga qarshi qonun loyihasini ovozga qo'yishni talab qilishini va uning ta'sirini uning qonunini ta'minlash uchun ishlatishini so'rang. o'tish.

2. Jozef T. Robinson, Vashington shtatining Vashington shtatining Senat binosi Senatining ko'pchilik etakchisi, yozib yoki telegraf qilib, Kostigan-Vagnerning linzaga qarshi qonun loyihasini munozara va ovoz berish uchun taqvimga iloji boricha tezroq qo'yishini so'rang.

3. Vashingtondagi Senat idorasi binosida o'z shtatingizdan Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining ikkita senatorini yozing yoki telegraf qiling, ular Kostigan-Vagnerning linzaga qarshi qonun loyihasini ovozga qo'yishga yordam berishlarini va uni qabul qilish uchun ovoz berishlarini so'rang.

4. O'z tumaningizdagi Kongressmenni yozing yoki telegraf qiling, unga Vashingtondagi Vashingtondagi ofis binosida murojaat qilib, undan Kostigan-Vagnerning linzaga qarshi qonun loyihasini qabul qilish uchun ishlashini va o'z ta'sirini boshqa kongressmenlarga ishlatishini so'rang.

"Kostigan-Vagner" linchiga qarshi qonun loyihasi, lekin federal sudga linchinlarni jinoiy javobgarlikka tortish, odam o'g'irlash holatlarida hozirda ko'rilganidek samarali choralarni ko'radi.

"Linch haqida nima deyish mumkin, senator? Kongressdagi Kostigan-Vagner qonun loyihasi va kecha Franklintonda linch qilish haqida ..."

U Kostigan-Vagner hisobini buzdi, lekin, albatta, hamma unga qarshi ekanligini biladi. U meni Franklinton linchasini kesib tashladi va o'z "pat" izohi bilan shoshildi:

"Siz Vashingtondagi cherkovga (okrugga) tushmoqchimisiz? Oh, shundaymi? Bu bizni tepaga olib ketdi. Juda ham yomon, lekin bu voqealar sodir bo'ladi. Bilasizmi, men gubernator bo'lganimda linching bo'lmagan va bu odam (gubernator Allen) beri (oxirgi ikki yil ichida Luiziana shtatida 7 marta linching bo'lgan.) Bu sirg'alib ketdi, men bu haqda hech narsa qila olmayman. Agar nega men o'sha lyncherlarning orqasidan borishga harakat qilsam, yana yuzlab odamlarning o'ldirilishiga sabab bo'lishi mumkin. Siz buni xohlamaysizmi?

"Ammo siz Luizianani boshqarasiz, - davom etdim men, - qila olasiz ..."

"Ha, lekin bu juda oddiy emas. Men senga aytganmanki, hatto Huey Long ham qochib qutula olmaydi. Biz keyingisiga e'tibor qaratishimiz kerak. Baribir bu ****** aybdor edi" sovuq qonli qotillik ".

"Ammo sizning oliy sudingiz unga yangi sud muhokamasini o'tkazdi."

"Albatta, bizda texnik punktlarni o'zgartirishga ruxsat beruvchi qonun bor. Bu aqlli advokatni qaerdadir ushlab oldi va texnikasini isbotladi. U do'zaxda aybdor edi. Lekin biz keyingi linchni qo'lga olamiz."


COSTIGAN, EDWARD

Edvard Prentiss Kostigan (1874 yil 1 iyul - 1939 yil 17 yanvar) - Koloradodan 1930-1936 yillarda AQSh senatori. Virjiniyada tug'ilgan Kostigan uch yoshida Koloradoga ko'chib o'tgan. U 1896 va 1900 yillardagi prezidentlik saylovlarida Uilyam MakKinli uchun saylovoldi tashviqotini o'tkazib, yoshligida siyosiy faollik ko'rsatdi. 1897 yilda Garvard diplomini tugatib, barga kirganidan so'ng, Kostigan kambag'allar uchun siyosiy faollik bilan shug'ullangan va Kolorado siyosatida hukmronlik qilgan shaxsiy manfaatli siyosiy mashinalarga qarshi bo'lgan Denverga qaytdi.

Respublikachilar partiyasi konservatizmidan hafsalasi pir bo'lgan Kostigan 1910 yilda Denverning Progressiv respublikachilar klubini tuzishga yordam berdi, u keyingi yili yangi Milliy Progressiv Respublika Ligasiga qo'shildi va Teodor Ruzveltning 1912 yildagi prezidentlik kampaniyasiga zamin yaratdi. Kostigan etakchi rolni egalladi. o'sha kampaniyada Kolorado gubernatori uchun Progressive chipta uchun yugurdi va bir soniya ichida keladi.

Kostiganning siyosiy faolligi 1914 yildagi Ludlou ko'mir ish tashlashidan so'ng, u shaxtachilarga zo'ravonlik qo'zg'ashda ayblangan ishg'ol etakchilarining himoyachisi vazifasini muvaffaqiyatli bajarganidan so'ng, o'z ifodasini topdi. Bu masala Kostiganning ishlab chiqarish kapitalizmining yangi davrida sanoat ishchilariga adolatli munosabatda bo'lish zarurligi haqidagi fikrlarini kristallashtirishga xizmat qildi. Progressiv harakatning pasayishi bilan Kostigan 1916 yilda demokratik prezident Vudro Vilsonni qayta saylanish uchun ma'qullashdan boshqa chorasi yo'qligini sezdi. Kostigan 1928 yilda iste'foga chiqqunga qadar ishlagan Uilsonning yangi Tarif komissiyasida joy bilan taqdirlandi.

Buyuk Depressiyaning boshlanishi Kostiganga faol siyosiy hayotga qaytish uchun kampaniya masalasini taqdim etdi. Respublikada misli ko'rilmagan qashshoqlik va iqtisodiy tanazzul sharoitida respublikachilar falaji muammosi bilan kurashib, 1930 yilda Koloradoda Senat poygasida demokrat sifatida ishonchli g'alabaga erishdi.

Kostigan 1931 va 1932 yillarda depressiya bilan kurashish uchun federal farovonlik xavfsizligi tarmog'ini yaratish bo'yicha qonunchilik harakatlarining boshida edi, u 1931 yil mart oyida progressiv qonunchilar konferentsiyasida qatnashdi va federal-davlat qo'shma grant dasturining rejalarini tuzdi. keyingi noyabrda kambag'allarga yordam. Senatda Costigan-La Follette qonun loyihasi muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchradi, lekin 1932 yil boshida ambiyaviy variant qabul qilindi. 1932 yil sentyabrda Kostigan Franklin Ruzveltni prezidentlikka saylash uchun ishlagan Milliy Progressiv Ligasi raisining o'rinbosari bo'ldi.

1933 yildagi Ruzvelt ma'muriyatining birinchi yuz kunlik davrining eng muhim harakatlaridan biri Kostigan-La Follett takliflariga asoslangan Favqulodda vaziyatlar to'g'risidagi federal qonunning imzolanishi bo'ldi. Ushbu akt bo'yicha birinchi yordam ajratilishi Kolorado shtatida Kostiganning qonun loyihasini qabul qilishdagi rolini tan oldi. Kostigan, shuningdek, mahalliy qurilish uchun shtatlarga qarz va grantlar bilan to'ldirilgan, olti milliard dollarlik federal jamoat ishlarining rejalarini tuzdi. U, shuningdek, muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchragan linchga qarshi qonun loyihasining homiysi va hukumatni bank depozitlariga kafolat berishga majbur qilib, favqulodda bank qonunchiligini mustahkamlash bo'yicha muvaffaqiyatli harakatlarning homiysi bo'lgan. Uning qonun chiqaruvchi majburiyatlarining og'irligi o'z ta'sirini ko'rsatdi: 1934 yilda Kostigan insultga uchradi, bu uning 1936 yilda Senatdagi nomzodini qayta nomlamaslikka qaror qildi.


Edvard Kostigan - Tarix

COSTIGAN, YOHN, siyosatchi b. 1835 yil 1-fevralda Sen-Nikolayda, Kanadaning pastki qismida, Jon Kostiganning o'g'li va Bridjit Dann m. 1855 yil 23 aprelda Xarriet S. Rayan (1922 yil vafoti), Grand Fallsda, N.B., va ular ikki o'g'il va uchta qiz tug'dilar. 1916 yil 29 sentyabrda Ottavada va Grand Fallsda dafn etilgan.

Jon Kostiganning otasi, Kilkennida (Irlandiya Respublikasi) tug'ilgan, 1830 yilda rafiqasi bilan Quyi Kanadaga hijrat qilgan va Sent-Nikolasga joylashib, u erda Jon Jon Kolduellning agenti bo'lib ishlagan*. O'n yil o'tgach, u Grand Jon sharsharasiga, u erda ser Jonning tegirmonlarini boshqarish uchun ko'chib o'tdi. Jon mahalliy va 1850 yildan 1852 yilgacha Kanadadagi Quyi Sankt-Anne-de-la-Pokatyer kollejida ta'lim olgan. Grand Fallsga qaytib kelganidan so'ng, u Viktoriya okrugi (1857) uchun amallar va vasiyatnomalarni ro'yxatga oluvchi va Umumiy sudning quyi sudi sudyasi bo'ldi, lekin u 1861 yilda Viktoriya assambleyasi uyiga saylanganida iste'foga chiqdi. konservativ. U tez orada konfederatsiya atrofidagi dramatik voqealarga qo'l urdi va unga qarshi chiqdi. Bu masala bo'yicha 1865 yil fevral -mart oylarida saylov o'tkazildi va natijada Samuel Leonard Tilli boshchiligidagi konfederatsiya kuchlari yirik mag'lubiyatga uchradi. Kostiganning g'alabasi qisqa vaqtga cho'zildi, ammo Londondagi imperiya hukumati leytenant-gubernator Artur Hamilton Gordonga saylov natijalarini o'zgartirish to'g'risida ko'rsatma berdi.

Albert Jeyms Smit* ning yangi hukumati bir hil identifikatsiyaga ega bo'lmagan va Kvebek rezolyutsiyalariga qarshi antagonizmdan tashqari siyosatga ega bo'lmagan partiyalarning erkin ittifoqi edi. U konservativ Kostigan va liberal Timoti Uorren Anglin*ni o'z ichiga oldi, ular Irlandiya katolik jamoasining etakchiligi uchun uzoq vaqt raqobatni boshladilar. Koalitsiya ichidagi tafovutlardan foydalangan holda, gubernator 1866 yil aprelda hukumatni iste'foga chiqishga majbur qildi, bu esa konfederatsiya masalasi bo'yicha navbatdagi saylovlarga olib keldi. Nyu -Brunsvik aholisi o'z nuqtai nazarini ifoda etishidan oldin, koloniyani ittifoqdan qutqarish uchun kelganlarini e'lon qilib, irlandiyalik amerikalik "Fenian Brotherhood" tashkilotining a'zolari chegaraga etib kelishdi. Bu aralashuv odamlar orasida tabiiy reaktsiyaga sabab bo'ldi, ular darhol yangi millat uchun ovoz berishdi. Kostigan ham, Anglin ham Feniyaliklarning sayohatchilari deb tan olingan va ikkalasi ham o'z o'rindiqlarini yo'qotdilar.

Konfederatsiyaga qarshi bo'lgan boshqa ko'plab odamlar singari, Kostigan ham siyosiy ishlarini federal ishlarning keng doirasiga o'tkazishga qaror qildi. U 1867 yilda Jamoatlar palatasida Viktoriya o'rindig'ini qo'lga kiritdi. Konservator sifatida o'tirib, yangi hukmronlikda Irlandiya katoliklarining taniqli vakili bo'lishni maqsad qilib qo'ydi, ayniqsa bu unvonning tan olingan egasi Tomas D'Arsi Makgidan keyin. *, 1868 yilda o'ldirilgan. Kostigan konfederatsiya munozaralari paytida raqibi Anglin bilan jang qilgan Nyu Brunsvik, Jon Svini*va Jeyms Rojers*katolik episkoplari bilan munosabatlarni rivojlantira boshladi. 1871 yildagi Nyu -Brunsvik umumiy maktablari to'g'risidagi qonun unga o'z viloyatida katolik huquqlarining himoyachisi sifatida o'z vakolatlarini tasdiqlash imkoniyatini berishi kerak edi.

1872 yil 1 yanvardan kuchga kirgan bu aktda, agar viloyatda barcha maktablar mazhabsiz bo'lishi kerak bo'lsa. Jorj Edvin King*hukumati tashabbusi bilan qabul qilingan qonun loyihasiga katolik ierarxiyasi qarshilik ko'rsatdi va alohida katolik maktab tizimiga ruxsat berishga urinishdi. Bu urinishlar muvaffaqiyatsiz bo'lgach, episkoplar Ottavadagi o'z vakillariga bu harakatni rad etishda yordam so'rab murojaat qilishdi. Bu masala Kostigan va Anglinni yana birlashtirdi, garchi ikkinchisining liberal muxolifat a'zosi sifatida joylashuvi uni ahvolda qoldirdi. Bosh vazir Ser Jon A. Makdonald* Anglin tomonidan uyushtirilgan episkoplarning yondashuvlariga befarq edi. Ammo Kostigan Makdonald va uning vazirlariga ta'sir ko'rsatadigan yoki hech bo'lmaganda ularni xijolat qiladigan hukumat tarafdori edi. 1872 yil 20 -mayda Kostigan maktablarning harakatlariga ruxsat berilmasligi uchun jamoatchilikka ko'tarildi. Katta qo'llab -quvvatlashga ega bo'lgan bu harakat Makdonaldni ikkilanib qoldi. U deyarli ruxsat bermaslikka shaxsan qarshi edi va har doim Konservativ partiyada kuchli bo'lgan apelsin elementi Nyu -Brunsvikdagi alohida maktab tizimiga keskin e'tiroz bildirar edi. Shunday qilib, Kostiganga Makdonaldning elchisi murojaat qildi, u murosaga kelishni taklif qildi, unga Pyer-Jozef-Olivye Chauve*tomonidan tuzatish kiritildi, unga binoan Nyu-Brunsvik katoliklariga ularning norasmiy alohida maktablari saqlanib qolishiga kafolat beriladi. Maktablarning harakatlarini taqiqlash. Dastlab, Kostigan, bir qator liberallar kabi, bu murosaga borishga tayyor edi, lekin bu hatto hukumatdan tashqarida edi. Boshqa tuzatish Nyu -Brunsvik katoliklari o'z pozitsiyasiga pushaymon bo'lib, faqat vaziyatni yaxshilash uchun viloyat hukumati tomonidan biror narsa qilinishiga umid qilib kiritildi. Bu mutlaqo noaniq qaror qabul qilindi va Kostigan g'azablandi. Javobgarlikdan qochishning oxirgi urinishida, uy boshqa chora ko'rilishidan oldin Londondagi huquq -tartibot xodimlarining fikri so'ralishiga rozi bo'ldi.

Kostiganning qarori jasoratli harakat edi. U Ottavada Nyu -Brunsvik irland katoliklari vakili bo'lishni xohlardi, lekin u ham konservativ siyosatchi edi. Makdonaldga ochiqchasiga qarshi chiqqanlarning ko'pchiligi partiyadagi nufuzli lavozimlarga o'tishga umid qila olishmagan. U erishgan ustunlik, Nyu -Brunsvik episkoplarining Anglin va Irlandiya katolik jamoasining matbuot kotibi lavozimiga boshqa intilishlarga qarshi qo'llab -quvvatlashi edi.

Garchi huquqshunoslar maktablarni konstitutsiyaviy deb hisoblasa -da, Kostigan qarshi bo'lishi mumkin bo'lgan boshqa qonunlar mavjud edi. 1873 yilda viloyat yig'ilishi maktablar uchun soliqlarni hisoblash bo'yicha bir qator chora -tadbirlarni qabul qildi, bu esa katoliklarni o'zlariga yoqmagan tizimni to'lashga majbur qildi. Anglin ruxsat bermaslik to'g'risidagi harakat muvaffaqiyatli bo'lishi mumkinligiga ishonmadi, lekin Bishop Svini Kostigan ustidan g'alaba qozondi va 1873 yil 14 -mayda jamoatchilikda shunday qaror qabul qildi. Bu safar Makdonald va ko'plab konservatorlarning ochiq qarshiliklariga qaramay, Kostigan muvaffaqiyat qozondi. Biroq, qarorni general -gubernator lord Dufferinga [Blekvud*] topshirishdan ko'ra, Makdonald undan ko'rsatmalar uchun Koloniya idorasiga murojaat qilishni so'radi.

Kostigan, maktablar muammosini hal qilish uchun uyga bosimni davom ettirishga harakat qildi, hatto mustamlaka idorasi baholash aktlarining haqiqiyligini tasdiqlaganidan keyin ham. Bishop Svini boshqa yondashuvni topishga ko'ndirganidan so'ng, 1875 yil 8 martda u umumiy qarorda yana bir qarorni qabul qildi, bu safar qirolicha Nyu -Brunsvik katoliklariga ruxsat beradigan Shimoliy Amerika Britaniya qonuniga o'zgartirish kiritishni so'radi. Ontario va Kvebekdagi ozchiliklarning ta'lim imtiyozlari. Bu vaqtda konservatorlar ishdan bo'shatildi va Aleksandr Makkenzining liberal hukumati uning qaroriga qarshi chiqdi. U mag'lubiyatga uchradi va uning tuzatish kiritishga bo'lgan urinishi, hozir uyning spikeri Anglin tomonidan bekor qilindi.

Maktablar muammosi oxir -oqibat Nyu -Brunsvik muzokaralari orqali hal qilindi.qarang Jon Svini]. Ammo Kostigan o'zini provinsiyaning irland katoliklarining sodiq va tayyor vakili sifatida ko'rsatdi. Og'riqlari uchun u 1874 yilgi saylovda episkoplarning to'liq qo'llab -quvvatlashini oldi. 1878 yilda konservatorlar hokimiyatga qaytganlarida, Bishop Rojers Kostiganning kabinet lavozimini egalladi, lekin Makdonald 1872 yildagi rezolyutsiyalarni va ular sabab bo'lgan sharmandalikni unutmagan. Kostigan orqa skameykalarda qoldi.

1880 yilda kabinetga tayinlana olmaganidan so'ng, Kostiganga 1882 yilda o'zining asosiy siyosiy ambitsiyasini amalga oshirish uchun imkoniyat taklif qilindi: hukmronlikda irland katoliklarining vakili bo'lish. Fevral oyida Kanadalik faol irland millatchi Jon Lourens Pauer O'Hanli umumiy qarorni Irlandiya uchun uy qoidalari foydasiga ko'chirishni so'radi. Bu vaqtda Buyuk Britaniya siyosatida "Uy qoidasi" hukmronlik qilar edi va O'Hanli Charlz Styuart Parnell boshchiligidagi Vestminsterdagi irland millatchilari uchun bunday taklif foydali bo'ladi deb hisoblardi. O'Hanli, shuningdek, barcha irlandiyalik kanadaliklarning ko'magi bilan Kostigan partiya siyosatidan ko'tarilib, Kanada Parnell maqomiga erishishiga umid qilgan. Ottavada etakchi irland katoliklari bilan uchrashgandan so'ng, Kostigan 1882 yil 18 aprelda Jamoatlar palatasida qat'iy qarorlar qabul qilishga tayyorgarlik ko'rdi. Irlandiya uchun uy qoidalari va Parnell va uning leytenantlarini ozod qilingan qamoqdan ozod qilish shartlari aniq belgilangan. Uilyam Evart Gladstoun hukumati Irlandiyada ijara uyushtirishlarini qo'llab -quvvatlagani uchun bergan. Rezolyutsiyalar kiritilishidan bir kun oldin, Nyu -Brunsvik maktablari sonidagi harakatlarini eslatib, Makdonald Kostiganni Liberallar etakchisi Edvard Bleykning fikricha, murosasiz qarorlarni qabul qilishga ko'ndirdi. "Makdonaldning o'zi" mutlaqo zararsiz "deb atagan asl nusxalar.

Garchi murosaga keluvchi qarorlar uy va Senatda qabul qilingan bo'lsa -da va Kanada parlamenti "Uy -joy qoidalari" masalasida qabul qilingan eng qat'iy qarorlarni isbotlashi kerak bo'lsa -da, ular O'Hanli va uning do'stlari uchun katta umidsizlik edi. Kanadalik Parnellni "partiyalar va hukumatdan mustaqil holatda" qilishga umid qilgan odam, uning siyosiy partiyasiga ustunlik berishni afzal ko'rdi. Gap shundaki, Kostiganning dastlabki qarorlari 1882 yilning yoziga saylov tayinlagan Makdonald uchun katta zarba bo'ldi. U o'zining Ontario provinsiyasidagi apelsinlik tarafdorlarini chetlab o'tishni xohlamadi. kuchli irland -katolik aholisi. Shaxsiy darajada, Makdonald o'zini o'zi boshqarishga qodir emas deb hisoblagan irlandlar uchun uy qoidalariga ishonmadi. Bundan tashqari, u buni qo'llab -quvvatlash federal ma'muriyatga zarar etkazish uchun Kanada provinsiyalariga katta kuch berishga undayotganlarni rag'batlantiradi, deb qo'rqardi. Kostigan nihoyat katta ambitsiyaga erishgani uchun O'Hanli va uning guruhidan yuz o'girishga rozi bo'ldi: federal kabinetdagi o'rindiq. Kostigan qarorlari 1882 yil 21 aprelda Jamoat palatasi tomonidan qabul qilingan. 23 mayda Jon Kostigan ichki daromadlar vaziri etib tayinlangani e'lon qilindi. O'sha kuni episkop Rojers unga keyingi oy saylovchilar bilan uchrashishi kerak bo'lgan katolik ierarxiyasining Makdonald hukumatini qo'llab -quvvatlashiga ishonch hosil qilish uchun xat yozdi.

Federal kabinetda Irlandiya katolik vakili bo'lib, unga tez orada Ontariolik irland katolik Frank Smit* qo'shildi, Kostigan Boshqaruv qoidalaridan voz kechdi va umumiy konferentsiyada boshqa qarorlarni qabul qilish urinishlarini qo'llab -quvvatlamadi, garchi u hali ham kontseptsiyani ma'qul ko'rsa. U, ayniqsa, saylovoldi kampaniyalaridan oldin va paytida, hukmronlikdagi murakkab Irlandiya katoliklari uchun Makdonaldning xabarchisiga aylandi. Uning vazifasi irland -katolik ovozini berish va Liberal partiyaning uni yo'q qilishga urinishlarini hal qilish edi. Biroq, u o'zi tanlagan rolda muvaffaqiyat qozonmadi. Asr o'tishi bilan Edvard Bleyk, ayniqsa, Irlandiya milliy ishlariga nisbatan, irlandlarning matbuot kotibi sifatida tan olinmoqda. Bundan tashqari, Kostigan tez orada, Kostiganning kabinetdagi joyiga qaramay, homiylik tayinlash masalasida Makdonald irlandlarga yoqmasligini tushundi. Darhaqiqat, u 1884 yilda o'z vazirligidan iste'foga chiqishga majbur bo'ldi, chunki u bosh vazir Irlandiya katoliklarining taraqqiyotiga befarq emasligini ko'rsatdi. Bundan tashqari, u kabinetdagi apelsin ta'sirining buyruq bera oladiganidan ko'ra kuchliroq ekanligini ko'rdi.

Garchi Makdonald Kostiganni samarasiz va ishonchsiz deb hisoblagan bo'lsa -da, unga Irlandiya katolik ovozi kerak edi, ayniqsa Atlantika mintaqasida. Shuning uchun Kostiganning iste'fosi qabul qilinmadi. Kostigan ham bosmadi. Ammo 1887 yilda yana bir bor iste'foga chiqishga uringaniga dalillar bor, lekin yana Makdonald uni ko'ndirdi. 1882 va 1892 yillar oralig'ida Makdonald, keyin Jon Jozef Kolduell Abbott*davrida u ichki daromadlar vaziri lavozimini egallagan. Abbott vazirligi tugatilgandan so'ng, u 1894 yilgacha Makkenzi Bowell tomonidan dengiz va baliqchilik vaziri etib tayinlangunga qadar, Ser Jon Devid Sparrou Tompson* ostida davlat kotibi bo'lib ishlagan. 1885 yilda Kostigan o'z tarafdorlari tomonidan Ottavadagi uyning unvoni bilan taqdirlangan edi, bu etakchi siyosatchi ishidan mamnunlikning umumiy ifodasidir. Ammo uning keyingi yillardagi rahbarligi umuman baxtli emas edi. U ser Charlz Xibbert Tupperning ta'siri va munosabatini yoqtirmasdi, va u Neyniel Klark Uolles kabi Tupper va ekstremal orangemenlar tomonidan Bowellning siyosiy o'ldirilishi sifatida ko'rishdan bosh tortdi. U 1896 yil aprelda Bowellning o'rniga Ser Charlz Tupper kelganida, u o'z portfelini saqlab qoldi. O'sha yili saylovda u o'z o'rindig'ida qoldi, lekin liberal g'alaba uni lavozimidan chetlatdi. Uning etakchi Tori bilan munosabatlari yomonlashishda davom etdi, 1899 yilda u konservativ partiyani tark etishini va mustaqil sifatida o'tirishini rasman e'lon qildi. Uning munosabati shundaki, partiya uni tark etdi, chunki u Makdonaldning inklyuziv, milliy qurilish siyosatidan uzoqlashdi. 1907 yilda u ser Vilfrid Laurier liberal hukumatining tavsiyasi bilan Senatga tayinlangan.

Kostiganning federal siyosatchisi u vakillarining ijtimoiy va madaniy hayotida katta rol o'ynadi va Kostigan ko'plab Irlandiya tashkilotlarida, jumladan, Ottava prezidenti bo'lgan Hiberniansning Qadimgi ordeni va Birlashgan Irlandiya Ligasida qatnashgan. This involvement culminated in his being sent as a delegate to the Irish Race Convention, held in Dublin in 1896. In 1895 Costigan had joined with another Irish Canadian leader, Nicholas Flood Davin*, in seeking to have the federal franchise extended to women in Canada. Although he was able to use his political status to promote various mining and oil companies, Costigan never achieved the stature in Canadian politics that O’Hanly had wished for him. In 1882 he had had visions of himself as a Canadian Parnell, but the lure of office was too strong. Eclipsed by Blake in his desire to be the undisputed leader of the Irish in Canada, he settled instead for being a loyal minister in John A. Macdonald’s cabinet, recognizing that he could do little to advance Irish Catholic interests in a cabinet that was powerfully influenced by the Orange order. Years of official status took the place of real influence and leadership. Irish Catholics failed to find a Parnell, and Costigan failed to realize his dream of leading a solid, independent voting bloc in the Canadian federation. He died in Ottawa on 29 Sept. 1916, aged 81.


--> Costigan, Edward Prentiss, 1874-1939

Edward Prentiss Costigan (1874-1939) was born in King William County, Virginia and moved with his family to Ouray, Colorado at the age of three. He studied law in Utah and was admitted to the bar in Salt Lake City in 1897. He graduated from Harvard in 1899 and opened a law office in Denver the following year. Costigan founded the Progressive Party in Colorado and was twice its unsuccessful candidate for governor in 1912 and 1914. During the latter campaign, he served as counsel for the United Mine Workers of America during the Colorado coal field strikes and won acquittals for the miners charged with murder committed during the strikes. In 1917, President Woodrow Wilson named Costigan to the U.S. Tariff Commission and sent him to Europe for tariff and trade discussions with the Allied powers (1917-1928). He returned to Denver in 1928 to pursue a legal and political career. In 1930, Costigan was elected to the U.S. Senate as a Democrat where he became interested in legislation for federal relief and public works programs. He became a leader in the Senate on behalf of New Deal programs and received recognition with the Jones-Costigan bill, designed to aid sugar beet growers. He was an ardent advocate of anti-lynch law legislation and a supporter of public projects such as Boulder Dam (Hoover Dam) and Muscle Shoals, which was later expanded into the Tennessee Valley Authority.

From the description of Edward P. Costigan papers, 1876-1951. (Denver Public Library). WorldCat record id: 71003925


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Costigan and Robert F. Wagner promoted a nationwide anti- synch law . In 1935 attempts were made to get President Franklin D. Roosevelt to support the Costigan-Wagner Act. Roosevelt, however, refused to support this bill , the sheriffs who are not prisoners before a lynch mob to protect, punish. He believed that doing so would lose the support of white voters in the south , thus losing the 1936 presidential election .

The Costigan-Wagner bill received support from many members of Congress , but the southern opposition managed to prevent it. However, a national debate started drawing attention to the crime of lynching.


Yoshlik

Edward A. Costigan was born on October 17, 1819 in Charlestown, Boston, Massachusetts, United States. He was the son of John Costigan and Jane Costigan. Edward married Mary F. Griffece on June 30, 1844 in Charlestown and had three children. [1]

At the age of 15, he joined the Fire Department and became Chief Engineer in Charlestown. He remained in the fire department for 33 years. [2] [3]

Costigan had seen many celebrities and events including: major general Lafayette riding through Charlestown square in a barouche open carriage. He saw President Andrew Jackson Com Elliott, President John Tyler in 1842 Edward VII in 1860 when he visited Boston, Massachusetts the Duke of York in 1865 General Lewis Cass President Ulysses S. Grant at the statue of the The Minute Man at Concord, Massachusetts and President Andrew Johnson when he visted Boston in the late 1860s. On August 11, 1834, he saw the burning of the Ursuline Convent in Charlestown. At age 16, he saw the pirates, who boarded the brig Mexican, hung at the Leverett Street Jail in Boston. [3]


The History of American Anti-Lynching Legislation

O n October 26, 1921, President Warren G. Harding traveled to Birmingham, Alabama to participate in the city’s fiftieth anniversary celebration. The Republican Harding, just seven months into his first term, was immensely popular. But the speech he gave that day was soon condemned by the Birmingham Post as an “untimely and ill-considered intrusion into a question of which he evidently knows very little.”

What did Harding say that so offended the local newspaper? After marveling at Birmingham’s industrial development, the President broached the subject of race relations. Harding reminded the audience that black Americans had served just as honorably as whites in the recently completed world war, stating that their service brought many African Americans their “first real conception of citizenship – the first full realization that the flag was their flag, to fight for, to be protected by them, and also to protect them.” He went on to condemn the lynching of black men and women and told the citizens of Birmingham that their future could be even brighter if they had “the courage to be right.”

Harding was not the first politician to claim to oppose lynching, and he would not be the last. According to Tuskegee Institute statistics, over 4,700 Americans—two-thirds of them African American—were the victims of lynching between 1882 and 1951. Lynching was a favorite tool of the Ku Klux Klan and other hate groups in the years after the Civil War, terrorizing black communities out of political activism and into silence for fear of their lives. For decades, white southerners used lynching, Jim Crow laws, and voter suppression to maintain white supremacy and Democratic Party rule. After World War I, increased European immigration, fears of communism, and the Great Migration of African Americans from the South to major industrial cities in the North and Midwest led to increased instances of lynching.

Between 1882 and 1968, nearly 200 anti-lynching bills were introduced in Congress, and seven U.S. presidents between 1890 and 1952 asked Congress to pass a federal anti-lynching law. Probably the most famous anti-lynching proposal was the Dyer Anti-Lynching Bill, first introduced in the U.S. House of Representatives by Missouri Republican Leonidas C. Dyer on April 8, 1918. Dyer, known as a progressive reformer, came from St. Louis, where in 1917 white ethnic mobs had attacked blacks in race riots over strikebreaking and competition for jobs. His proposed legislation made lynching a federal felony and gave the U.S. government the power to prosecute those accused of lynching. It called for a maximum of five years in prison, a $5,000 fine, or both for any state or city official who had the power to protect someone from lynching but failed to do so or who had the power to prosecute accused lynchers but did not a minimum of five years in prison for anyone who participated in a lynching and a $10,000 fine on the county in which a lynching took place. Those funds would be turned over to the victim’s family. The Dyer bill also permitted the prosecution of law enforcement officials who failed to equally protect all citizens.

White southern Democrats in Congress opposed Dyer’s bill, and it went nowhere in 1918. The next year, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) published a report that disproved the claim that most lynchings were of black men accused of attacking white women. In fact, the report stated, less than one-sixth of the 2,500 African Americans lynched between 1889 and 1918 had been accused of rape. Dyer, who represented a district with a large black constituency and was horrified by both the violence and disregard for the law inherent in lynching, determined to keep pressing his anti-lynching bill. In 1920, the Republican Party included a brief endorsement of anti-lynching legislation (though not Dyer’s specifically) in the platform on which Warren G. Harding was elected: “We urge Congress to consider the most effective means to end lynching in this country which continues to be a terrible blot on our American civilization.”

Dyer unsuccessfully re-introduced the bill in 1920, but it got a boost in late 1921 when Harding endorsed it in his Birmingham speech. Harding went to Birmingham just four months after the May 31-June 1 racial violence in Tulsa, Oklahoma, which saw white mobs attack black residents and business and led to the deaths of nearly forty African Americans. On January 26, 1922, the U.S. House of Representatives successfully passed the Dyer bill, sending it to the Senate. But it failed in the Senate as southerners filibustered it, arguing that that blacks were disproportionately responsible for crime and out-of-wedlock births and required more welfare and social assistance than other minority groups. In other words, stronger social controls—like lynching—were necessary to keep African Americans in line. Dyer introduced his bill before Congress in 1923 and again in 1924, but southerners continued to block it.

The Costigan-Wagner Bill of 1934 was the next major piece of anti-lynching legislation put before the U.S. Congress. It was co-sponsored by Senators Edward P. Costigan of Colorado and Robert F. Wagner of New York—both Democrats. President Franklin D. Roosevelt, also a Democrat, was hesitant to support this bill, primarily due to the provision it included that allowed for punishment of sheriffs who failed to protect prisoners from lynch mobs. While FDR certainly opposed lynching, he worried that supporting the Costigan-Wagner Bill would cost him white southern support in his 1936 reelection campaign. Ultimately, it did not matter much: southern senators blocked the bill’s passage, and Roosevelt cruised to an easy re-election, defeating Kansas Governor Alf Landon by over eleven million popular votes and an Electoral College count of 523 to 8.

Other anti-lynching bills came and went through the years, but none ever passed Congress and went to a president’s desk. Even as we enter the second decade of the twenty-first century, Congress has still never passed an anti-lynching law.

In June 2018, nearly a year after the August 2017 racial violence in Charlottesville, Virginia, the three current African American members of the United States Senate introduced a bill to make lynching a federal crime. Senators Kamala Harris (D-Calif.), Cory Booker (D-N.J.), and Tim Scott (R-S.C.) drafted the bipartisan legislation that defines lynching as “the willful act of murder by a collection of people assembled with the intention of committing an act of violence upon any person.” The senators call their bill the Justice for Victims of Lynching Act of 2018. “For over a century,” said Senator Booker, “members of Congress have attempted to pass some version of a bill that would recognize lynching for what it is: a bias-motivated act of terror… we have righted that wrong and taken corrective action that recognizes this stain on our country’s history.” The bill unanimously passed the U.S. Senate on December 19, 2018. It still requires passage by the House of Representatives and a presidential signature to become law.

Though not fondly remembered by historians because of his weakness and corruption, President Warren G. Harding deserves credit for calling out the crime of lynching nearly a century ago. Criticized as a small-town, backward-looking Midwesterner who longed for the easy days of his childhood, it turns out that at least on the issue of racial violence Harding was ahead of his time.


Mukofotlar

Immediately, 30-year member and Chief of the Elsmere Fire Company, Ned Costigan began evaluating the life safety and rescue issues of the disaster area.

Evacuations of the area and civilian accountability efforts were also put into action. Fire risk was evaluated because of the potential for natural gas and electrical emergencies. Special dispatch assignments were planned bringing in other town fire and EMS agencies, and several informational meetings were held. Chief Costigan also developed a mutual aid plan with the City of Albany Fire Department realizing the loss of water and access to the lower portion of the Elsmere Fire District was a possibility. On site staging and command areas were established. The New York State Urban Search and Rescue Team was put on notice in the event of a sudden collapse trapping civilians and firefighters. New York State Department of Transportation was contacted and the old bridge in Normansville was inspected and made accessible for emergency use.

With the coordination between agencies, and the hundreds of hours of planning for a worst case scenario, Chief Costigan made sure that the residents and businesses of the Elsmere Fire District never received anything less than 100 percent of dedicated protection from the Elsmere Fire Company. It is because of this loyalty, dedication and attention to detail that the members of the Elsmere Fire Company “A” Incorporated, nominate Chief Edward "Ned" Costigan as Fireman of the Year.


Anti-Lynching Efforts

The atmosphere of racism and violence in the United States in general, and in particular in the South, provided the breeding ground for the lynching of African-Americans. This militant tradition continued long after slavery had been abolished, reflecting the racist domination of whites and their vigilance toward African-Americans.

The drive for federal legislation that would condemn lynching had been abandoned in the 1920s after the defeat of the Dyer Anti-Lynching Bill. In 1930, Walter White became NAACP executive secretary and developed a close working relationship with the Interracial Commission which led him to take up the drive for federal legislation once again. Walter White had forged his career in the anti-lynching struggle. In 1933, when lynching once more soared to a record high after dipping to a low of 10 the year before, he determined to channel the NAACP's piecemeal efforts into a concerted federal lobbying campaign and test the New Deal's commitment to black civil rights.

NAACP's new strategy was sponsored by Edward P. Costigan of Colorado and Robert F. Wagner of New York in the Senate and by Harlem Congressman Joseph A. Gavagan in the House. The Costigan-Wagner Act spoke directly to the chief weakness in the anti-lynching efforts of southern interracialists: their inability to bring lynchers to trial or to punish culpable officials. The measure proposed federal trials for mob members where local authorities refused to act, fines or jail terms for officers who failed to discharge their duties, and damage claims against counties where lynchings occurred.

Much to the disappointment of the African-American community, this bill did not pass and lynchings continued in many Southern states well into the fifties.

The words "Angelo Herndon" and "Scottsboro Boys" on the picket-signs refer to two of the most celebrated cases in African-American history. Angelo Herndon, born in Ohio and openly affiliated with the Communist Party, led a march in Georgia to protest discrimination against blacks. He was convicted in 1933 and sentenced to a twenty year prison term, under a hundred-year-old Georgia slave law, for inciting insurrection. His conviction was reversed in 1937 on appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court. The nine Scottsboro youth, two of whom were ages 13 and 14, were convicted of raping two white women. All except one of the youths were sentenced to death. However, litigation lasted for many years and included appeals to the U.S. Supreme Court, which acted favorably on behalf of the youths. Careful historians of the Scottsboro case agree that the African-American youths were innocent victims of racism.

Awareness of this hostile environment fosters appreciation for Sellers' remarkable courage to remain outspoken and unthreatened by the inflamed racial prejudice surrounding him in Charlottesville and beyond.

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Videoni tomosha qiling: Edward (Dekabr 2021).