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Radikal partiya

Radikal partiya

Radikal partiya 1901 yilda tashkil etilgan. Birinchi partiyaning birinchi jahon urushidan keyingi markazining partiyasi Edouard Daladier va Edouard Herriot edi.

Herriot 1924 yildan 1932 yilgacha bir necha bor bosh vazir bo'lgan. 1933 yil yanvar oyida Edouard Daladier ham bu lavozimni egallagan, lekin uning hukumati atigi etti oy tirik qolgan. Ikkinchi hukumat, 1934 yilda, faqat bir necha hafta davom etdi.

Fashistlar Germaniyasida Adolf Gitlerning paydo bo'lishidan xavotirlanib, 1934 yilda Leon Blum, Moris Tores va Daniel Mayer boshchiligidagi bir guruh chap qanotli siyosatchilar Xalq frontini tuzdilar. Shartnomada qatnashgan partiyalar orasida Kommunistik partiya va Sotsialistik partiya bor edi. . Edouard Daladier va Edouard Herriotning qo'llab -quvvatlashi bilan Radikal partiya ham bu partiyalar koalitsiyasiga qo'shildi.

Xalq frontiga jalb qilingan partiyalar 1936 yilgi parlament saylovlarida yaxshi natijalarga erishdilar va jami 376 o'rinni qo'lga kiritdilar. Sotsialistik partiya rahbari Leon Blum endi Frantsiya bosh vaziri bo'ldi. Bir marta hokimiyatga kelgan Xalq fronti hukumati haftalik 40 soatlik va boshqa ijtimoiy islohotlarni joriy etdi. Shuningdek, u Frantsiya banki va qurol -yarog 'sanoatini milliylashtirdi.

Leon Blum 1937 yil iyun oyida o'z lavozimini yo'qotdi, lekin 1938 yil mart oyida 1938 yil apreligacha hokimiyatga qaytdi va uning o'rniga Eduard Daladier tayinlandi.

Ikkinchi Jahon Urushidan keyin Radikal Partiyaning mashhurligi pasayishda davom etdi va kamdan -kam hollarda 10 foizdan ko'proq ovoz to'pladi. Biroq, boshqa partiyalar aniq ko'pchilikni qo'lga kirita olmaganligi sababli, partiya ko'pincha Frantsiya hukumatlarida nomutanosib muhim rol o'ynagan.


"Ularning hammasi bu erda qizil": Tinch okeanining shimoli-g'arbiy qismida sotsialistik siyosat, 1895-1925

Shimoliy -G'arbiy siyosiy va mehnat tarixining har qanday jihatlari 1890 -yillardan Birinchi jahon urushigacha bo'lgan davrda mintaqaning eng radikal davri sifatida batafsil hujjatlashtirilgan bo'lsa.   Kitob va maqolalarda sanoat ishchilarining yuksalishi kabi mavzular yoritilgan. Dunyo (IWW), Aydaho gubernatori Frank Steunenbergning o'ldirilishi, 1919 yildagi Centralia qirg'ini va utopik jamoalardan etnik asosli radikal siyosatga qadar boshqa mavzularning xilma -xilligi. Bu safar va bu mavzular bir necha avlod tarixchilarining e'tiborini tortdi.

Shunday qilib, sarlavhali kitobni olishda darhol savol tug'iladi Ularning hammasi bu erda Qizil bu: mintaqaning tub merosini yana bir bor o'rganish uchun joy bormi? (Radikal meros Aytgancha, bu davrda Tinch okeanining shimoli -g'arbiy qismidagi mehnat va sotsializm haqidagi boshqa tarixchi kitobining nomi.)

WSU doktoranti sifatida ushbu kitob uchun ko'p tadqiqotlarni olib borgan muallif Jeffri Jonson bu borada shunday fikr bildiradi. "Ajablanarlisi shundaki, XX asrning boshlarida sotsialistik faollik va uning Tinch okeanining shimoli-g'arbiy qismida, xalqning eng taniqli radikal hududlaridan biri bo'lgan o'tmishdagi tarixchilar kamdan-kam o'rganilgan", deb yozadi u. 4]. "Hozirgi jild Vashington, Oregon, Aydaho va Montana shtatlaridagi sotsialistik partiyalar faoliyatini o'rganishga imkon beradigan birinchi keng qamrovli mintaqaviy tarixni taqdim etadi". 7].

U nisbatan kichik bo'shliqni tanladi. Uning maqsadi - "sotsializm" ni o'sha davrning boshqa ilg'or va radikal salib yurishlaridan, xususan ishchilar harakatidan ajratish va shimoli -g'arbiy sotsialistik harakatni kengroq milliy tendentsiyadan ajratish va ta'kidlash. Muallif o'z hisobini kontekstga joylashtirish uchun vaqtning boshqa radikal sabablari, shuningdek, milliy sotsialistik partiya faoliyati haqidagi parallel voqealarni kuzatishi kerak va qilsa ham, u o'z o'rnini topdi va u o'z hikoyasini yaxshilab o'rganib chiqdi. .

Jonson, ayniqsa, Montana, Aydaho, Vashington va Oregon shtatlaridagi tarixiy jamiyatlarda kam ishlatilgan hujjatlarni qazib olish, o'sha davr haqidagi bilimlarimizdagi kamchiliklarni to'ldirish yo'llarini topadi. Uning kuchi-sotsialistik partiyaning o'sishi va yo'q bo'lib ketishini va uning turli vaqtlarda ishchilar huquqlari, vazminlik, urushga qarshi harakat kabi zamonaviy ilg'or sabablarni ilgari suruvchi boshqa guruhlar bilan birlashish yoki ulardan ajralib chiqish kurashini namoyish qilishda. va ayollarning saylov huquqi. Bu gavjum suvlarni aylanib o'tishga urinish, alohida shaxsni saqlab qolish partiya amaldorlari uchun qiyin kechdi. Darhaqiqat, Vashington sotsialistik partiyasi 1913 yildagi harakatning eng yuqori cho'qqisida bo'linishlarga bo'lindi, chunki bunga qanday erishish mumkinligi haqidagi fikrlar turlicha edi va partiya hech qachon bo'linib ketgan mavqeini tiklay olmadi.

Albatta, "mashhurlik" - bu ortiqcha gap. Sotsialistik partiyaning muvaffaqiyat cho'qqisida, prezidentlikka nomzod Evgeniy V. Debs 1912 yildagi milliy ovozlarning 5,9 foizini - Vashington, Aydaho va Montananing "Qizil" shtatlarida 10 foizni qo'lga kiritdi. 1916 yilgi navbatdagi prezidentlik saylovlariga kelib, partiya tartibsizlikka uchradi, uning asosiy masalalari boshqa ijtimoiy va siyosiy harakatlarga muvaffaqiyatli qo'shildi. 1917 yilda Amerika Birinchi Jahon Urushiga kirgandan so'ng, shubha va paranoyaning kuchayishi Qizil Qo'rquv va radikal sotsialistik harakatni samarali ravishda olib tashlashga olib keldi.

O'limidan oldin, shimoli -g'arbiy sotsialistlar oddiy siyosiy g'alabalar bilan faxrlanib, mahalliy cheklangan yutuqlarni jamoatchilik bilan aloqalardagi yutuqlarga aylantirdilar. Shunday qilib, Coeur d'Alene, Anaconda va Butte shaharlaridagi g'alabalar, Spokanedagi shahar komissiyasi o'rinining qo'lga kiritilishi va Turston okrugidagi konstektning saylanishi sotsialistik matbuotning bunday yutuqlarni "dushmanga e'tibor bering "[s. 59], partiya sodiqlari "yaqinlashayotgan inqilobni" kutishar edi [p. 65]. Hatto muallif Jonson ham o'z mavzusining g'ayratiga to'la bo'lib, partiyaning "favqulodda saylov yutuqlarini boshdan kechirgani, mintaqaviy siyosatda muhim iz qoldirganini" aytib o'tdi. 164].

Bir necha alohida jamiyatlarda va qisqa yillar davomida partiya muhim rol o'ynadi. Ammo buning rang -barang va ba'zida shafqatsiz zo'ravonlik ta'sirini vaqtini ortiqcha baholash mumkin. Bu mintaqa tarixining qiziqarli davri edi va u bu va boshqa asarlardagi o'rganishga loyiqdir.

Bu jildning bir kuchi - ilgari umuman e'tiborga olinmagan ba'zi muhim mahalliy sotsialistik shaxslarni, masalan, Butt meri Lyuis J. Dunkan, Everettning jamoat ishlari bo'yicha komissari J.M.Salter va Aydaho shtati senatori Erl Bowmanni ochib berish. Haqiqatan ham, muallif 1912 yilda qo'llab-quvvatlash uchun bu iltimosni yuborgan, Sautvik, Aydaho, partiya tashkilotchisi kabi, bu va boshqa qiziquvchan qahramonlarga ko'proq vaqt sarflashi mumkin edi: "Biz bu erga juda tarqoqmiz, lekin men ishni davom ettirish. Agar o'rtoqlardan birining adabiyoti bo'lsa, ular menga yuborishsa, bu menga katta yordam beradi. 104]. Bu sinf jangchilari va ular yashagan va ishlagan jamoalar hayotiga chuqurroq kirib borish, bizning mintaqamiz tarixidagi bu o'ziga xos davr haqidagi tasavvurimizni yanada chuqurroq ochib berishi mumkin.

Muallif o'sha davrning ikkinchi darajali adabiyotini yaxshi qazib olgan va u o'zining shaxsiy tadqiqotlari bilan yangi fikrlarni qo'shgan, alohida siyosatchilar va faollarning hikoyalaridan tashqari, mintaqaviy sotsialistik matbuotning o'rni, sotsialistik taraqqiyotni ochib bergan. utopik jamoalar va sotsialistik partiya va mintaqaviy qudratli IWW o'rtasidagi navbatdagi uchrashuv raqsi/jangovar pozitsiyasi. Ko'p hujjatlashtirilgan va xronologik tartibda yaxshi tashkil etilgan, Ularning hammasi bu erda Qizil Tinch okeanining shimoli -g'arbiy qismida radikal siyosat bilan kurashish davrini o'rganuvchilar uchun standart ma'lumotnomaga aylanadi.


Ispaniyaning Radikal Respublikachilar partiyasi (PPR)

Bunga imkoniyat berilganidan beri, ispan xalqi chap tarafdagi siyosiy partiyalarga ovoz berishni afzal ko'rdi. Franko vafotidan uch yil o'tgach, barcha partiyalar tomonidan imzolangan 1978 yildagi yangi Konstitutsiyadan so'ng, Felipe Gonsales ostida PSOEning o'n uch yillik hukmronligi va Zapatero bilan sakkiz yilga yaqin rahbarlik qilgan. Konservativ Manuel Fraga va boshqalar asos solgan Xalq partiyasi umuman konservativ yoki o'ngchi emas. Bu boshqa nom ostida sof sotsial -demokratik partiya. Ispaniya ishchilar sotsialistik partiyasi (PSOE) ham shunday: ikkita asosiy partiya sotsial -demokratlar, lekin birgalikda yashashni yoki ishlashni o'rgana olmaydi.

Siyosiy sharhlovchilar (va satiriklar) Ispaniya va uning mol-mulki ustida joylashgan pushti rangning sabablarini tushuntirib berishadi: ular asrlar davomida podshohlar, erga ega bo'lgan va beg'ubor mag'rur aristokratlar, shahzodalar va prelatlar tomonidan past tabaqalarga nisbatan yomon munosabatda bo'lishgan. Cherkov Ammo sotsialistik/marksistik mafkura har doim ham rasmiy Kommunistik partiya yoki PSOE tomonidan ifodalanmagan. 1908 yildan 1936 yilgacha haqiqiy sotsialistik partiya qattiq ishladi, uni radikal respublikachilar partiyasi tashkil etdi, uni Barselonadagi inqilobiy ishchilar harakati harakati respublikachi jurnalist va populist siyosatchi va esseist Alexandro Lerru tomonidan tuzgan.

Lerroux, yong'inga qarshi, monarxiyaga qarshi, cherkovga qarshi, korxona tuzilishiga qarshi turuvchi, olovdan yeyuvchi, olovdan nafas oluvchi notiq edi. Uning nutqi uni tirik afsonaga aylantirdi. U Ispaniyada birinchi zamonaviy siyosiy partiyaga asos solganini da'vo qildi. Uning yaxshi tanlangan so'zlari, respublika harakatining 1873 yil birinchi respublikasidan beri platforma topishga urinib yurgan, fraktsiyali, mushukcha siyosatiga to'satdan nuqta qo'ydi.

Radikal respublikachilar partiyasi 1908 yilda tashkil etilgan. 1909 yil iyulida "fojiali haftalik" deb nomlangan fikrlar muhiti ushbu yangi partiyaning ruhoniylarga qarshi ritorikasi bilan samarali yaratilgan. Keyin, har doimgidek, Ispaniyada bo'lgani kabi, korruptsiya bilan bog'liq katta janjal boshlanib, Barselonadagi radikallar ularni yangi tashkil etilgan respublikachi-sotsialistik koalitsiyadan chiqarib yuborishdi.

Odamlar tez -tez o'ziga xos tarzda o'zgaradilar va Ulug 'Urush paytida Lerrux tegishli ravishda o'zgarib, ittifoqchilar nomidan aralashishga chaqirdi. Bu shuni anglatadiki, u Ispaniyani respublikachi radikal bo'lsa -da, Germaniya qiroliga qarshi Angliya qiroli bilan birga bo'lishga chaqirdi. Aytilishicha, uning intervensionistik qarashlari u va uning Barselonadagi do'stlari hayratlanarli darajada tobora ortib borayotgan biznes manfaatlarini kuchaytirish uchun qilingan. Albatta, radikal sotsialist birdaniga "yon tomonda" pul ishlashga qiziqib qolgani emas. Bu oxirgi marta bo'lmaydi. Bu barcha mamlakatlardagi barcha sotsialistik ma'muriyatlar uchun "Qobil belgisi" bo'lib kelgan. Felipe Gonsales o'zining o'n uch yillik sotsialistik kuchini o'sha paytdagi Ispaniyadagi eng yirik kapitalistik konsern - RUMASA sud talon -taroj qilishidan boshladi. Qirol mulkni tortib olish uchun qirol imzolagan qonun farmonidan foydalangan holda, u har bir kompaniyani oldindan millatchilikka aylantirib, RUMASAni davlat kompaniyasiga aylantirish o'rniga, oldindan tanlangan xaridorga kulgili pullarga sotdi. minglab ishchilarni ishdan bo'shatish, ishsizlar statistikasini ancha oshirish. Ko'rinib turibdiki, siyosiy partiyalardagi korrupsiya ularning ajralmas qismiga aylandi - kutilmagan va maqtovli, qoralanmagan va nafratlanmagan.

1920 -yillarda ikkita yangi respublikachi partiya radikal respublikachilar partiyasining populistik rejasiga reaktsiya sifatida paydo bo'ldi - Respublika harakati (1925) va Radikal Sotsialistik partiyasi (1929). Vazifalar yanada ilg'or va zamonaviy bo'lishi kerak edi, garchi 1931 yilda Ispaniya Ikkinchi respublikasi e'lon qilinganida radikallar respublikachilar partiyalarining eng keksa va eng ko'p aholisi bo'lgan. Chap har doim chapni tishlaydi, shuning uchun PPR 1931 yil dekabrida sotsialistlarning ishtiroki va ta'siri davom etganligi sababli respublikachi-sotsialistik ma'muriyatni tark etdi! 1931 yildan 1933 yilgacha u Manuel Azana boshchiligidagi respublikachi-sotsialistlarning islohotlariga eng qattiq qarshilik ko'rsatdi. Agar Lerroux o'zi harbiy rejimda fuqarolik boshlig'i bo'lishga tayyorlanayotgan bo'lsa Davlat to'ntarishi General Sanjurjo tomonidan rejalashtirilgan muvaffaqiyatli bo'ldi.


BU MAXSUS BO'LIMGA TUR

Hech qachon ommaviy tashkilot - Shtat tarkibidagi CP a'zoligi kamdan -kam 2000 kishidan oshadi - shunga qaramay, partiya WCF va Vashington Pensiya Ittifoqi kabi kasaba uyushmalari va koalitsiyalaridagi nufuzli lavozimlarni egallashda o'z mahoratiga ega edi. 1930 -yillarda fuqarolik huquqlari faolligini rag'batlantirishda ularning roli ham muhim edi. Biroq, Amerika Kommunistik partiyasining o'sib borayotgan ta'siri Sovet tashqi siyosatining yangi tashvishlari tufayli to'xtatildi, bu ularning 1939 yildagi xalqaro taktik strategiyalarini koalitsiya tuzilishidan, mazhabiy va puristik yondashuvga, ular qurgan koalitsiya va jamoatchilik ishonchini zaiflashtirishga olib keldi. 1930 -yillar.

Chap tomonda ko'p o'lchovlar bor edi: qisman qayta tiklangan Sotsialistik partiya, IWWlarning qoldiq, lekin faol guruhi va 1938 yilda Sotsialistik Ishchilar partiyasiga aloqador bo'lgan trotskistlar. Birlashgan partiyalarga ergashgan va kasaba uyushmalarida ishlaganlarning birlashmagan radikallari, ishsiz tashkilotlar, fuqarolik huquqlari koalitsiyalari va asosan "Yangi kelishuv" demokratik partiyasi ichida.


Sietldagi Ishchilar Ittifoqining noroziligi, u federal ishlarni boshqarish ma'muriyatida ishlagan ishchilarni uyushtirishga urinib ko'rdi va ular Kommunistik partiya a'zolari tomonidan boshqarildi.

Sovuq urush davrida kommunizm muammosi va Vashington shtatining ishlarida partiyaning muhim roli konservatorlar uchun kuchli qurolga aylandi. Shtatning qizil qo'rquvi 1947 yilda boshlangan va tez orada partiya a'zolari ko'pchilik ta'sir joylaridan haydalgan.

Biroq, Buyuk Depressiya davrida radikallar tomonidan uyushtirilgan uyushtirishning davomli oqibatlari bor edi, ular bugun ham takrorlanmoqda. Uzoq muddatli ish kabi kuchli sanoat, radikallar tomonidan uyushtirildi, 1930-yillarda boshlangan fuqarolik huquqlari bo'yicha kampaniyalar va 1940-1950 yillardagi ochiq uy-joylar, kamsitishga qarshi kurashish va ish joylarida o'tkazilgan o'n yillik tajriba.

Vashington shtatidagi Kommunistik partiya merosini to'liq o'rganish uchun bizning sherik loyihamizga qarang - Vashington shtatidagi kommunistik partiya tarixi va xotirasi loyihasi, unda video og'zaki tarix, tasvirlangan tadqiqot hisobotlari, flimlar va hujjatlar mavjud.

Kommunizm va radikalizm haqidagi tasvirlangan tadqiqot hisobotlarini ko'rib chiqing:

Vashingtondagi universitetda AFT bilan bog'liq fakultetlar birlashmasining tashkil etilishi iqtisodiy inqiroz davrida o'qituvchilarning ish xavfsizligini ta'minlash va ularni bartaraf etish imkonini berdi. Shunga qaramay, uning a'zolarining radikal va ba'zida kommunistik siyosati kasaba uyushmasini 1940-yillarga kelib federal antikommunistik repressiyalarga moyil qildi.

"Harakat ovozi" 1933-1936 yillar orasida Sietlda nashr etilgan radikal mehnat gazetasi edi. Bu gazeta uning kommunistik partiya siyosati va ishchilar va ishsizlar oldidagi majburiyatlari bilan bog'liq.

Harakat ovozi Sovet Rossiyasini antifashistik ishchilar respublikasi uchun namuna sifatida ko'rsatdi.

Mamlakatning boshqa joylarida bo'lgani kabi, Vashington shtatining Kommunistik partiyasi ham ishsizlarni faol siyosiy va ijtimoiy tuzilmalarga birlashtirishga yordam berdi. Vashingtondagi Ishsizlar fuqarolar ligasi va uning gazetasi "Vanguard" shtat kommunistlarining keng e'tiroziga sazovor bo'ldi va ishsizlarni shtatning tub islohotlar koalitsiyasiga birlashtirdi.

Ushbu maqola Vashington Kommunistik partiyasining 1930-1940 yillarda kasaba uyushmalarini tashkil etishdagi urinishlari va muvaffaqiyatlarini aks ettiradi.

Pritshet, kommunist, G'arbiy Sohildagi yog'ochdan yasalgan uyushmaning prezidenti bo'ldi, lekin oxir-oqibat o'zining qizil siyosati tufayli AQShga qayta kirishni rad etdi.

"Harakat ovozi" 1933-1936 yillarda nashr etilgan Sietldagi radikal va ishchi harakatlari uchun gazeta edi.


Yuqoridagi shartlarni tasvirlaydigan partiyalar fraktsiyalari va partiya a'zolariga misollar

Bu erda tarixning turli nuqtalarida konservatorlar, mo''tadillar, liberallar va taraqqiyparvarlarni ko'rsatadigan partiyalar fraktsiyalari yoki partiyalarning taniqli a'zolarining bir nechta misollari keltirilgan.

Tori va boshqalar Vigs: Angliyada, ulug'vor inqilob va liberalizmning to'g'ri tug'ilishi davridan boshlab, klassik liberal Viglar konservativ Torilarga qarshi chiqishdi. Tori aristokratiyani afzal ko'rdi. Viglar shaxsiy huquqlar va erkin savdo qilishni xohlashdi. Liberalizmning tug'ilishini ko'ring.

Amerika inqilobi davrida: Amerikalik "vatandoshlar" da ko'pincha o'zlarini Angliyaning radikal viqorlari (Berkka qarshi chiqqan viklar) bilan birlashgan deb hisoblar edilar, konservativ sodiqlar o'zlarini Tori bilan birlashgan deb hisoblardilar. Qarang, asoschilar liberallar edi.

Old New Whigs va New Whigs: 1791 yilda Edmund Burk radikal New Whigs (radikal liberallar) dan konservativ Old Whigsning konservativ qadriyatlarini qabul qilishni so'ragan bir qancha mashhur kitob yozdi. Yangi viglar Amerika va Frantsiya inqiloblarini qo'llab -quvvatladilar. Burk Amerika urushini qo'llab -quvvatladi, lekin Frantsiya inqilobining radikalizmidan qo'rqdi. Qarang Yangidan Eski Vigsga murojaat.

Frantsuz inqilobi davrida: Radikal-liberal-populist Yakobinlar konservativ-progressiv-liberal Girondinlarga qarshi chiqishdi. Jirobinlar yakobinlarga qaraganda ko'proq konservativ edi. Frantsuz inqilobi va chap va o'ng tarixiga qarang. Qarang: Jefferson radikal.

Federalistlar va boshqalar. Anti-federalistlar: Frantsuz inqilobi davrida federalistlarga moyil bo'lgan amerikalik gazetalar Demokratik-Respublikachilar partiyasini "Jakobin partiyasi" deb atashgan. ” Jefferson, Madison bilan birga anti-federalizm va Demokratik-respublikachilar partiyasining otasi, Hamilton deb hisoblangan. Federalistlar bir qancha konservativ tori. Ikkala partiya ham klassik liberallar edi. Federalistlar klassik liberalizmning ko'proq konservativ Old Whig-ga o'xshash versiyasini, Anti-federalistlarni, ko'proq Jacobin yoki New Whig, populistik progressiv ruhni afzal ko'rishdi. [1] Qarang: Federalistlar va boshqalar. Anti-Fedlar.

Linkoln: Linkoln mo''tadil qullikka qarshi respublikachi va birinchi respublikachi prezident edi. Uning siyosati o'sha paytda juda ilg'or edi, uning hokimiyatga bo'lgan qiziqishi uni G'arbda birinchi (agar bo'lmasa ham) taniqli ijtimoiy liberal liderlardan biriga aylantiradi. Linkoln 1861 yilda prezident bo'ldi. Marks ’ Kommunistik partiyaning manifesti 1848 yilda nashr etilgan. Linkolnning ijtimoiy liberal siyosati va urush voqealari respublikachilar partiyasini turli darajadagi liberalizm, konservatizm va progressivizmga bo'lindi. Qarang, Linkoln respublikachi edi.

Uchinchi partiyaning radikal respublikachilari: Fuqarolar urushi qayta qurilishi paytida, Linkolndan keyin, radikal respublikachilar janubiy konfederatsiyalarni qattiq jazolamoqchi bo'lganlar edi. Bu biz yakobinlar bilan ko'rgan progressiv radikalizmning bir turi bo'lib, yaralarni davolab, ittifoqni tezda tiklamoqchi bo'lgan konservativ respublikachilarga qarshi. Ikkalasiga ham bo'linishlarni kamaytiradigan harakatni xohlagan mo''tadil respublikachilar qarshilik qilishdi. Tomonlarning platformalarni almashtirish haqidagi hikoyasini ko'ring.

Progressiv populistlar va boshqalar. Nativist populistlar: 1800 -yillarning oxiri va 1900 -yillar boshidagi progressiv davrda biz ikki turdagi populistlarni olamiz. Bir turi taraqqiyotni xohlaydi, ikkinchisi - ba'zida klassik liberalizmga tubdan qaytishni xohlaydi. Ijtimoiy liberalizm G'arbni egallab olgach, klassik liberal qarashlar taqqoslash yo'li bilan konservativ tarzda to'g'ri bo'lib qoldi. Shunday qilib, bizda ijtimoiy progressiv demokratlar yonida bo'linishni yoqlaydigan konservativ demokratlar paydo bo'ldi. Shuningdek, biz o'sha paytdagi respublikachilar partiyasida an'anaviy nufuzli konservatorlarni topdik, ularning yonida ijtimoiy va klassik liberal va radikal guruhlar bor edi. Qarang Populizm va Nativizm.

Zamonaviy demokratlar va respublikachilar: Bugun biz demokratlarni liberallar va respublikachilarni konservatorlar deb ataymiz, lekin bu qo'pol taqqoslash tili va asosan noto'g'ri nom. Demokratlar - radikal iqtisodiy xarajatlar va moliya siyosatiga ega bo'lgan progressiv ijtimoiy liberallar. Ular, shuningdek, ijtimoiy farovonlikni ta'minlash uchun hukumat vakolatidan foydalanishda radikal. Respublikachilar asosan radikal klassik liberallar va ijtimoiy konservatorlardir. Ular, asosan, soliqlarni qisqartirish bo'yicha radikal iqtisodiy siyosat olib boradilar va ayrim korxonalarni qo'llab -quvvatlaydilar. Ular ijtimoiy konservatizmni ta'minlash uchun hukumat hokimiyatidan foydalanishda radikal. Ular faqat konservativ, chunki ular ijtimoiy-liberalizmga qarshi edilar va klassik liberalizmning eski davrlariga qaytishni xohlaydilar. ” 2016 yildagi saylovlarga qarang.


1996 yilda Obama radikal sotsialistik va "8220 Yangi partiya" ga tegishli

Stenli Kurtz, 7-iyun kuni "National Review Online" uchun "Obamaning uchinchi tomon tarixi" va "8220" uchinchi maqolasida, Barak Obamaning o'ta chap radikallar bilan aloqasi ilgari o'ylanganidan ancha yaqinroq bo'lgani haqida xabar beradi. 1996 yil 11 yanvarda, deydi Kurtz, Obama kapitalizmga keskin qarshi bo'lgan va Demokratik partiya juda mo''tadil degan fikrda bo'lgan radikal sotsialistik siyosiy harakat bo'lgan Yangi Partiyaga qo'shildi. Yangi partiya Amerikani Evropada keng tarqalgan sotsialistik demokratiyaga aylantirishga intildi.

Ehtimol, bundan ham muhimi, Kurtz bu masalani birinchi marta ko'targanida Milliy sharh 2008 yilgi prezidentlik saylovidan bir necha hafta oldin, Obama kampaniyasi o'z nomzodini butun umri faqat bitta siyosiy partiyaga - Demokratik Partiyaga tegishli ekanini qat'iy asoslab, uning hikoyasini "qoralangan" deb rad etdi. Obama kampaniyasi va "Yog'lar bilan kurash" veb -sayti Kerol Xarvell shunday dedi: "Barak 1995 yilda shtat senatiga Yangi partiyaning roziligini so'ramagan va qidirmagan".

Kurts Obamaning Yangi partiyaga a'zoligini isbotini Viskonsin tarix jamiyatida Illinoys ACORN (Hozirgi islohotlar uchun jamoat tashkilotlari assotsiatsiyasi) yozuvlaridan olingan hujjatlarga asoslaydi. Obama, shuningdek, shartnoma imzoladi, deydi Kurtz, u o'z lavozimida ekanini ochiqchasiga qo'llab -quvvatlaydi va o'zini Yangi partiya bilan bog'laydi, deb va'da beradi. Kurts Yangi partiyaning Chikago bo'limining 1996 yil 11 yanvar bayonnomasidan iqtibos keltiradi:

13 -qonun chiqaruvchi okrug shtat senatiga nomzod Barak Obama a'zolikka izoh berdi va savollarga javob berdi. U "Yangi partiya" va "8220 nomzodlik shartnomasi" ni imzoladi va "Yangi partiyadan" tasdiqlashni so'radi. U, shuningdek, Yangi partiyaga qo'shildi.

National Review Online maqolasida aytilishicha, Yangi partiyaning Chikago bo'limida Obamani 1997 yil boshidan partiya a'zosi sifatida ro'yxatga olishgan.

Kurtz Barak Obamani radikal marksizm bilan bog'laydigan bir nechta mavzularni aniqlaydi, ular orasida:

• Otasi boylarga 100% soliq solishni, erga kommunal egalik qilishni va xususiy mulkni musodara qilishni qo'llab -quvvatlovchi maqola yozdi va Keniyada "Bizning sotsializmimiz oldida turgan muammolar" nomli maqola yozdi.

• Uning onasi kommunistik hamdard edi, u tirikligida "sayohatchilar" deb ta'riflangan edi, uning o'qituvchilari Mercer oroli o'rta maktabining o'quvchilarini kitobni o'qishga majburlashgan. Kommunistik manifest

• Uning ota -onasi rus tili darsida tanishgan

• Uning ustozi Kommunistik partiyaning a'zosi Frank Marshall Devis edi va 1971 yildan 1979 yilgacha Gavayida Devis Obamaga o'g'lidek munosabatda bo'lgan.

• Uning ukasi Roy Obama marksist, shuningdek radikal musulmon

• Uning amakivachchasi Odinga ham marksist va radikal musulmon, Keniyada shariat sudlarini tuzmoqchi.

• U Mis uyushmasida sotsialistik konferentsiyada qatnashgan

• U Illinoys shtati senatori Elis Palmer tomonidan qo'lga olindi va Palmer Sovet Ittifoqidagi Kommunistik partiyaning 27 -Kongressida qatnashdi.

• Uning Illinoys shtati senati uchun kampaniyasini taniqli marksistlar Bill Ayers (yuqoridagi rasmda) va Bernadett Dorn tashkil qilgan.

Kurtz (va boshqalar) Barak Obamaning marksizmga chuqur kirib borishini ko'rsatish uchun to'plagan dalillar juda ko'p. Oxirgi dalil, uning 15 yil oldin radikal sotsialistik Yangi partiyaga a'zoligi uning marksistik tarbiyasi u bilan qolganligini va eng muhimi, u bu ma'lumotni amerikaliklardan yashirganligini ko'rsatadi.


1863 yilda ba'zi norozi liberallar tomonidan tuzilgan. Tasodifan emas, u tashkilot tashkil etilganidan ko'p o'tmay tashkil topgan Chili Grand Lodge, va u butun umri davomida Chili masonligi bilan yaqin munosabatlarni saqlab kelgan. Shunday qilib, u Chili siyosatida ruhoniylarga qarshi pozitsiyani ifodalagan va 1880-yillarning boshlarida Chili qonunida "diniy islohotlar" ni amalga oshirishda muhim rol o'ynagan. Ushbu qonunlar qabristonlarni Rim -katolik cherkovi nazorati ostidan olib tashladi, cherkovning oldingi yozuvlari o'rniga tug'ilish va o'limning fuqarolik reestrini tuzdi va nikohning fuqarolik qonunini o'rnatdi, bu nikohlarning haqiqiyligini aniqlashni bekor qildi. cherkov. Bu qonunlardan oldin, katolik bo'lmaganlar uchun Chilida nikoh tuzish mumkin emas edi va ular tug'gan har qanday bolalar noqonuniy bo'lgan degan ma'noni anglatardi. Katolik bo'lmaganlarni, shuningdek, mamlakatdagi deyarli yagona qabriston bo'lgan katolik qabristonlariga dafn qilish taqiqlangan edi, katolik bo'lmaganlar plyajlarda va hatto Santyagodagi Santa-Lucia tepaligida dafn etilgan, ular 19-asrda, Santyago axlatxonasi vazifasini bajargan.

20-asrning boshlarida PR sotsial-demokratik ideallarga sodiq qolishga qaror qildi va parlament davrida turli hukumatlar bilan hamkorlik qilishni boshladi, bu uning ko'plab a'zolarini asosiy harbiy lavozimlarni egallashga olib keldi. 1920 yilda u Arturo Alessandri islohotchilar hukumatini qo'llab -quvvatladi. Chili go'daklar o'limi darajasi bo'yicha dunyoda birinchi o'rinda turadigan mamlakatlardan biri edi va ijtimoiy masalalar Chilida ziddiyatlarning asosiy manbai bo'lgan.

1924 yilda Chilida boshlangan siyosiy inqirozni tugatish uchun konglomerat 1925 yilda konservativ Luis Barros Borgoño nomzodini qo'llab -quvvatladi. Radikallar prezident Barros Borgoño kabinetini tuzishganida, ular Xuan Esteban Monteroni nomzod qilib ko'rsatishmoqchi edi. 1930. Biroq, o'sha yili urush tufayli, bu fikrdan voz kechildi va radikallar Alessandri Palma yangi hukumatini qo'llab -quvvatlashga qaror qilishdi.

1934 yilda, hukumatning siyosiy xulq -atvori borasida ko'plab bahslardan so'ng, PR Alessandri hukumatini tark etdi, o'zini Kommunistik partiya va sotsialistik partiyaga qo'shdi, shu tariqa Xalq frontini tashkil qildi va 1935 yilgi prezidentlik saylovlarida Pedro radikal. Aguirre Serda konservativ nomzod ustidan "Hukumat qilish - tarbiyalash" shiori bilan yaqin g'alabaga erishdi.


Radikal bekor qilish partiyasi oldinga qadam tashladi

"Radikal siyosiy abolitsionistlar sifatida bizning majburiyatimiz milliy siyosiy kuchimiz yordamida milliy hududlardan qullikni olib tashlash va shtatlar o'z kuchlari bilan uni olib tashlashdan bosh tortishdir. . Muvaffaqiyatli bo'lish uchun biz Xudo ostida o'zimizga bog'liq bo'lishimiz kerak.

dan Radikal bekor qilish ishi

Ta'sis qurultoyi Nyu-York shtatining qullikka qarshi yuragida bo'lib o'tdi

1855 yil yoz. U nafaqat o't o'chiruvchi jangarilarni, balki ayrimlarini ham birlashtirdi

harakatning eng hurmatli (va qo'rqqan) rahbarlari. Qurultoy Gerrit tomonidan chaqirilgan

Ko'p yillar davomida qora tanlilarga (ko'pchilik yangi ozod qilingan) dehqonchilik qilish uchun er sotib olgan Smit

Nyu -York shtati. Peterboro va Shimoliy Elba, Nyu -Yorkdagi Smitning dehqonchilik erlari gullab -yashnagan

ko'p millatli jamoaviy hayot tajribalari. Smit umrining ko'p qismini shu erda o'tkazgan

Ozodlik partiyasini tuzish uchun kurashayotgan harakat.

Partiyaning boshlanishida etakchi kuch Fredrik Duglas edi

Harakat Qo'shma Shtatlardagi Blekning noroziligining jamoatchilik yuzidan boshqa narsa emas edi. Duglas

u nafaqat harakatning eng kuchli va ravon tanqidchilari va ma'ruzachilaridan biri edi, balki

o'zi qochib ketgan qul va uning eng ko'p sotilgan avtobiografiyalari unga jiddiy hissa qo'shgan

jamoatchilikning qullik masalasiga qiziqishi ortib bormoqda. Ammo Duglas ham ko'pchilik bilan do'stona munosabatda bo'lgan

Erkin tuproq va keyinchalik respublikachilar partiyalari va uning ko'pchilikda qolishi aniq emas edi

kichikroq Radikal Abolitionist partiyasi abadiy. Duglas harakatga Garrison orqali keldi

AAS va u hali ham o'sha guruhdagi ko'pchilik bilan uzoq muddatli ish munosabatlariga ega edi. Uning yuragi

u har doim Gerrit Smit va Radikallar bilan bo'lgan, lekin u ham siyosiy shaxs bo'lgan

bitta kichik gazetali bitta kichik partiyadan katta.

Lyuis Tappan bu yangi partiyani tuzish chaqirig'ini kuyladi va konvensiyada ishtirok etdi.

Tappan qullikka qarshi kurash faxriysi edi, u o'n to'rt Amistad sud ishining markazida edi

yillar oldin. Bu ish hamma joyda qullikka qarshi bo'lgan faollarga umidingizni uyg'otdi

qullikka qarshi kurashishi, isyonni himoya qilishi va g'alaba qozonishi mumkin edi. Bir necha yillar oldin Tappan kompaniyaning asoschilaridan biri bo'lgan

Amerika Qullikka qarshi jamiyati, Uilyam Gudell bilan birga, u erta va g'ayrat bilan qarz bergan

yangi partiyani qo'llab -quvvatladi va partiya kotibi etib tayinlandi. Goodell sermahsul edi va

ko'p partiyalar singari qullik, irqchilik va ijtimoiy kastaning murosasiz dushmani

ta'sischilari, yillar davomida to'liq qullikka qarshi aniq siyosiy partiya tuzishga harakat qilishgan

asosiy partiyalar. So'nggi yillarda Tappan, Gudell, Duglas, Jeyms Makkun Smit va

ularning o'rtoqlari Ozodlik partiyasining ko'plab a'zolari partiyani oxirgi partiyalardan voz kechganini ko'rgan

ular qullikni aniq qoralamasdan, qandaydir tarzda qullikni tanqid qilganlar. Ular ko'rdilar

yangi radikal abolitsionistlar partiyasining tashkil etilishi

kengayayotgan G'arbda yoki janubning markazida qullar kuchi bilan murosa.

"Qullik bilan" kelishuvlar "kuni o'tdi va hech qachon qaytolmaydi. Qullikning o'zi murosaga keladi va rad etadi! Xudo qullikka qarshi kurashni boshidan kuzatgan, uni zo'ravonlikdan himoya qilgan, tillar to'qnashuvi paytida o'z so'zini aytgan, uning qo'zg'olonlarini kashshof qilgan va tarqatgan, guvohliklarini bir qator hayratlanarli ma'lumotlar bilan tasdiqlagan. uni munozaradan olib chiqib, milliy munozaraning kunduzgi nuriga olib keldi - o'sha Ilohiy Providence, hali ham dushmanlari orasida hukmronlik qilib, ularning maslahatlarini chalkashtirib yubordi, bu kutish vaqtida, bu kutilmagan tarzda, etkazib berishni amalga oshirdi. asboblar, hech bo'lmaganda, g'alabani qora mag'lubiyat bilan yopib qo'ydi.

Kimdan Radikal bekor qilish konventsiyasi materiallari, 1855

Bu pozitsiya bilan ular siyosiy va ijtimoiy huquqlar uchun kurashni birlashtirishga harakat qilishdi

mamlakatning qullik taqiqlangan joylarida ozod qora tanlilarni ozod qilish.

Jarayonni boshqargan va emissiya vazifasini bajargan odam Jeyms Makkun Smit edi. Yoqdi

Duglas, Makkune Smitning ismi Qora ozodlik kurashi va unga qarshi chiqish bilan sinonim edi

irqchilik. Qachonki, u Qo'shma Shtatlardagi hech qanday tibbiyot maktabi uni a

talaba terining rangi tufayli Shotlandiyaga borib, doktorlik darajasini oldi. Vaqti kelib u

Radikal Abolitionist asoschilar qurultoyida shohsupaga ko'tarildi, u milliy obro'ga ega edi

shifokor sifatida, qochgan qullarning ittifoqchisi va Filadelfiyaning eng ochiq himoyachisi sifatida

shahardagi qora tanli qora jamiyat. Also playing an important role at the convention was John

Brown, who had over the last decade corresponded and collaborated with many of the men that

he shared the podium with that weekend. As the 1850’s intensified, Brown emerged as the

leading practitioner of revolutionary physical force abolitionism. He came to the founding

convention of the Party looking for support for his efforts in Kansas.

The party was created in a time of crisis for abolitionists. From the slaveholder-financed gangs

fighting to make Kansas a slave state, to the influx into Northern states of armed slave catchers

escorted by Federal marshals as ushered in by the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850, to the

increasingly bellicose pronouncements of slavery’s spokespeople, across the country “Slave

Power” was becoming more powerful and bold in the 1850’s. Abolitionists had been speaking

out and hurling critiques at this rising threat to liberty for decades, but their voices were

repeatedly drown out and their ability to organize stifled. If anti-slavery forces did not go on the

offensive immediately, Radical Abolitionists argued, Slave Power might snuff out their

"The expectation of enlisting larger numbers, by taking a moderate, middle course, has been disappointed. The attempt to organize a mere anti-Nebraska movement, being still more moderate, has still more signally failed. The public mind, though still hesitant, vague, indeterminate, and thoughtful, cannot be roused to action on half issues. It is waiting for something more. It is reserving its strength for an occasion worthy of being put forth. The slumbering Hercules will not be roused to the hunting of a fly—the pruning of a limb—the recovery of a lost fraction. BUT IT WILL BE ROUSED."

Dan Proceedings of the Radical Abolitionist

The Radical Abolitionist Party was a part of a broad, increasingly militant abolitionist movement

but was in many ways unique in that movement. Unlike some of their comrades in other

anti-slavery organizations, the Radical Abolitionist Party believed in a using a wide variety of

tactics in the fight against slavery. Central to their political position was the belief that slavery

had to be entirely done away with, not simply contained. This put them in sharp contrast with

the Republican Party. Radical Abolitionists did not want to trim the branches they wanted to

"That we, therefore, reject as useless, all schemes for limiting, localizing, confining, or ameliorating slavery—all plans for protecting the non-slaveholding States from the aggressions of slavery, and from the liability of becoming overspread and overborne [overwhelmed] by it—which do not look, directly, to the immediate and unconditional prohibition and suppression of slavery in all parts of the country."

From the Proceeding of the Radical Abolitionist Convention, 1855 p 87

They also strongly disagreed with Garrison who maintained that the political process was too

corrupted by slavery to participate in. They sought to reject the condescending racial

paternalism that was pervasive amongst white opponents of slavery at the time. The Radical

Abolitionist Party set out to include Black people as members, activists, and leaders. Members

of the Radical Abolitionist Party participated in the Underground Railroad at a time when some

white abolitionists feared it aggravated sectional tensions or was too risky.

They disagreed with the Free Soil and Republican goals of merely “resisting the encroachments

of slavery”. The only way to resist slavery was to end it once and for all, as explained below:

“Resolved , 1. That experience has now fully proved that there is no way to get rid of the evils of slavery, but by getting rid of the existence of slavery—no successful method of resisting the encroachments of slavery but by the overthrow of slavery—and no appropriate plan or measure for SECURING the abolition of slavery, but by ABOLISHING it.”

Resolution #1, from the Proceedings of the Radical Abolitionist Convention, 1955

They also advocated sweeping egalitarian land reforms and used the language of class struggle

at a time when some of the abolitionist movement’s important leaders and key financiers were

in opposition to these sentiments.

Resolved , That recognizing, as we do, the fact of MAN’S EQUALITY, as the foundation principle, which underlies the Anti-Slavery movement, we abhor, and will use our every effort to annihilate, that abominable spirit of caste

Dan Proceedings of the Radical Abolitionist Convention,

The Radicals were building on the work of the Liberty Party and other abolitionist groups by

attempting to connect with labor rights. Radical Abolitionists insisted that the struggle against

the tyrannical boss was linked to the struggle against the tyrannical master. Abolitsionistlar

insisted that the struggle against slavery was the most urgent struggle facing the nation and this

did not always square with the priorities of urban labor leaders in the North.

They parted ways with much of the organized abolitionist movement in their open embrace of

physical violence as a tool for ending slavery. While some abolitionists silently supported armed

resistance in their hearts, few organized abolitionist

groups exclaimed their support for violent attacks on slavery so loudly. Pacifism was a widely

held tenant in abolitionist circles at the time, with Garrison as it’s leading radical advocate. Da

the time of the Radical Abolitionist Party’s emergence John Brown was making a name for

himself battling pro-slavery forces in Kansas and was recruiting both Blacks and whites into an

anti-slavery guerrilla army. The Radical Abolitionist Party was very proud to count firebrand

Brown as a party supporter. Whenever Brown or his comrades addressed a Radical Abolitionist

Party meeting or convention, as they did repeatedly, they received overwhelming moral

support in addition to donations of cash and arms. Although they usually insisted they wished it

could be peaceful, Radical Abolitionists believed that the forced end of slavery would involve

bloodshed. Slavery, they argued, was itself a state of war.


Serbian Radical Party (Three World Orders)

The Serbian Radical Party (Serbian: Српска радикална странка, СРС, SRS) is a radical nationalist political party in Serbia, founded in 1991. It is the largest and the ruling party in Serbia, with over 70% of supporters.

Vojislav Šešelj is the active leader of the party since its forming in 1991. Deputy president Tomislav Nikolić took over as de -fakto leader when Šešelj surrendered to the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and supported the accession of Serbia to the European Union, which Šešelj and his faction continued to oppose. Nikolić and his faction resigned from the party in 2008 over this disagreement, and went on to launch the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS).

The party's core ideology is based on Serbian nationalism, and it subscribes to the idea of Greater Serbia which, according to Šešelj, is the raison d'être of the party. The party also describes itself as anti-globalist, anti-masonic, anti-fascist and anti-communist. Instead, it aims to establish pan-Slavic "brotherly" ties with Russia, as well as ties with China, and to unite all Balkan Serbs into a single country. In 2008 it advocated the use of force to block the independence of Kosovo. The party also strongly opposes satanism, atheism, homosexuality, pornography, racism and all forms of subcultures.


The Radical Socialist Roots of ɻlack Lives Matter'

“Black Lives Matter” is both a movement and an organization, but underpinning both is a deep connection to radical Marxism and a desire to not just protect and improve black lives, but to destroy the foundations of free society and build on their remains a new collectivist vision.

On July 13th, 2013—the day neighborhood watch volunteer George Zimmerman was acquitted in the shooting death of Trayvon Martin in Florida—leftist activists Patrisse Cullors, Alicia Garcia, and Opal Tometi began using the Twitter hashtag #BlackLivesMatter to call attention to what they viewed as a miscarriage of justice and, once the hashtag went viral, founded the organization Black Lives Matter.

The following year, the organization saw an explosion in support following the officer-involved shooting death of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri and officer-involved chokehold death of Eric Garner in New York City.

The group was at the forefront of demonstrations against police actions across the country and became a national rallying cry. The organization’s radical politics, though, have been largely ignored, even though its leaders haven’t been afraid to voice them.

Cullors in particular was open about her political ideology, calling herself “a trained Marxist” in an interview with Democracy Now!

"The first thing, I think, is that we actually do have an ideological frame," she said. "Myself and Alicia in particular are trained organizers. We are trained Marxists. We are super-versed on, sort of, ideological theories. And I think that what we really tried to do is build a movement that could be utilized by many, many black folk."

What exactly does it mean to be a "trained Marxist?" For years, Cullors was mentored by Eric Mann, a member of the 1960s radical groups Students for a Democratic Society and its more violent splinter group The Weather Underground.

In 1969, the U.S. Government declared the Weather Underground a domestic terror organization after it declared "a state of war against the United States" and started launching "Days of Rage" riots and bombing attacks against the U.S. Capitol in 1971, the Pentagon a year later, and the State Department building in 1975.

Fortunately, no one was ever killed in any of the Underground’s attacks, but three members died when one of their explosives accidentally detonated in their hideout in New York.

Cullors said in her memoir, “When They Call You a Terrorist: A Black Lives Matter Memoir,” that Mann taught her from an early age to use the organizing and protest tactics he honed during his time as a campus radical.

Using this teaching, her self-described “first political home” was the Labor/Community Strategy Center, whose organizing principles center “focus on Black and Latino communities with deep historical ties to the long history of anti-colonial, anti-imperialist, pro-communist resistance to the U.S. empire.”

According to its website, the group is openly Marxist, as it appreciates the work of “Black communists” within the U.S. Communist Party as well as “the Black Panther Party, the American Indian Movement, Young Lords, Brown Berets, and the great revolutionary rainbow experiments of the 1970s.”

Cullors’ Black Lives Matter co-founder, Opal Tometi, is similarly radical, as she has spent years championing the disastrous Socialist Revolution in Venzuela, writing of dictator Nicolas Maduro’s regime, “In these last 17 years, we have witnessed the Bolivarian Revolution champion participatory democracy and construct a fair, transparent election system recognized as among the best in the world.”

This embrace of socialism is evident in the mission statement of Black Lives Matter, which explicitly states “We are a collective of liberators who believe in an inclusive and spacious movement. We also believe that in order to win and bring as many people with us along the way, we must move beyond the narrow nationalism that is all too prevalent in Black communities.”

What does such “nationalism” encompass? Apparently the nuclear family, which Black Lives Matter aims to destroy.

“We disrupt the Western-prescribed nuclear family structure requirement by supporting each other as extended families and ‘villages’ that collectively care for one another, especially our children, to the degree that mothers, parents, and children are comfortable,” the group says in a section of its website entitled “What We Believe.”

Black Lives Matter does, however, have a very loosely organizational structure, as it leaves its operations to its 16 local chapters and partner organizations such as “Movement for Black Lives.”

Among its demands are an end to “all jails, prisons, and immigration detention,” an end to “pretrial detention and money bail,” reparations for slavery, and “progressive restructuring of tax codes at the local, state and federal levels to ensure a radical and sustainable redistribution of wealth.”

As radical as this stated platform is, it pales in comparison to the far-left beliefs of local Black Lives Matter leaders, who seem to have no qualms about using violence to achieve radical transformation of America.

Black Lives Matter New York leader Hawk Newsome openly said as much in an interview with FOX News anchor Martha McCallum.

"I watched you talking on a bunch of different interviews today and you said, burn it down," McCallum said. "You said it, burn it down, it’s time. So that makes me think that you want to burn it down."

"If this country doesn’t give us what we want then we will burn down the system and replace it, all right," Newsome answered. "And I could be speaking figuratively, I could be speaking literally. It’s a matter of interpretation. Like let’s be very real and observe the history of the 1960s. When black people were rioting we have their highest growth and wealth, in property ownership. Think about the last few weeks.

"Since you started protesting there have been eight cops fired across the country. Remember they were telling us that there was Due Process? That’s why the cop that choked Eric Gardner kept his job and kept receiving raises for five years. Anytime a cop hurt child or elders, there was always a call for Due Process. But the moment people start destroying property, now cops can be fired automatically.

"What is this country rewarding? What behavior is it listening to? Obviously not marching. When people get aggressive and they escalate their protests, cops get fired, now, you have police officers and Republican politicians talking about police reform. I don’t condone nor do I condemn rioting but I’m just telling what I observed."

In other words, riots work which is why Newsome won’t condemn them. Violence in the name of a just cause is justified and righteous. This, of course, is the exact same rationale the Weather Underground used 50 years ago: America won’t listen to protests, but it will listen to riots and violence.

Va u bor. For more than a month, activists who support Black Lives Matter have burned buildings to the ground, viciously beaten people who oppose them, and torn down statues of supposed oppressors like Abraham Lincoln and George Washington.

Do those seem like the actions of a movement that simply wants to improve black lives? Or do they seem like the actions of a collection of groups that want to burn America to the ground and build a communist utopia on its ashes.

Black Lives Matter DC, for instance, openly calls for “creating the conditions for Black Liberation through the abolition of systems and institutions of white supremacy, capitalism, patriarchy and colonialism.”

Black Lives Matter Chicago says it works “to end state violence and criminalization of Black communities by deconstructing white supremacist, capitalist, patriarchy.”

Black Lives Matter Detroit is even more explicit in its desire to rip apart the fabric of American society, saying:

As the Movement for Black Lives puts it, these groups "seek not reform but transformation" by creating "a fundamentally different world" resulting from "a complete transformation of the current systems."

This radical call and its attending recognition that such change can only occur through violence has in turn radicalized Black Lives Matter adherents to adopt increasingly hateful and vitriolic rhetoric. In New York, chants of “Pigs in a Blanket, fry em like bacon” and “What do we want? Dead cops. When do we want it? Now” have been realized by ambush attacks on police officers for years.

In 2017, an ex-convict who often ranted about police officers killing people and getting away with it shot and killed officer Miosotis Familia.

Three years earlier, a gunman posted online that he wanted to "put wings on pigs" in retaliation for the death of Eric Garner and drove from Maryland to ambush and kill New York Police officers Wenjian Liu and Rafael Ramos.

In Dallas, a gunman opened fire on police officers working at a protest of the officer-involved killings of black men in Minnesota and Louisiana. He killed five officers and injured nine others as well as two civilians before police killed him with a robot-delivered bomb. Before negotiations with the killer failed, he told investigators that he wanted to kill as many white police officers as he could.

Black Lives Matter of course disavowed this violence, but it tragically echoes the domestic terror campaigns of the Weather Underground movement that radicalized followers to the point where a handful believed that violence in the name of social upheaval was the only way America would ever listen and change.

Across the country today, calls for change under the Black Lives Matter slogan are often ignorant to the Black Lives Matter organization’s commitment to such radicalism.

The organization is rooted in Marxism and dedicated not just to a reform of policing and the betterment of black lives, but a fundamental belief that America as constructed is a fundamentally racist, colonialist, awful nation that must be taken down and rebuilt in its own radical image.

Radicalism inevitably begets violence, and in their tacit (and sometimes open) approval of violence in the name of righteous change, Black Lives Matter leaders not only contradict the message that nearly all of America supports, they prevent that message from being heard and the change they seek from being enacted.

While much of America agrees on the need for police reform and the affirmation that people of all races matter and deserve equality, rioting, violence and the destruction of American history and culture in the name of destroying America itself are radical means to radical ends that, sadly, many Black Lives Matter supporters don’t even know that they’re supporting.

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