Afsonaga ko'ra, Vytautas Buyuk ayollarga o'lim jazosi ostida Trakay oroli qal'asiga kirishni taqiqlagan.
Men uni rus tilida o'qiganman, u "knyaz Vytautas oti" deb nomlangan. Gap shundaki, qishda ayniqsa qor yog'di va Galve ko'li karaimlar fermalarini suv bosdi. Shunday qilib, karaimlar knyazga maslahat so'rash uchun delegatsiyani yuborishdi va ayollarni delegatsiyaga qo'shish yoki qo'shmaslik haqida biroz ikkilanish bor edi, chunki "jenshchin vpuskat v zamok bylo zapreshchno pod ugrozoy smertnoy kazni". Knyaz topgan yechim juda ajoyib bo'lsa -da, juda samarali edi - u suv toshqini xavfi tugamaguncha otiga suv ichishiga ruxsat berdi.
Bu haqiqatan ham sodir bo'lganmi va agar shunday bo'lsa, taqiqning sababi nima edi?
Trakay yaqinidagi karaim va tatar jamoalari Vytautas davridan kelib chiqqan. Karaim tatarlarga o'xshash tilda gaplashar edi, lekin ular musulmon emas edilar, aksincha ular yahudiylikning heterodoks versiyasini tan olishardi. Bu odamlar qasr qo'riqchisi bo'lib ishlagan bo'lishi mumkin va ular Vytautasni o'z homiysi va himoyachisi deb bilishgan. Vytautas otining afsonasining bir nechta versiyalari Internetda mavjud, biroq ularning hech birida qal'adan taqiqlangan ayollar haqidagi tafsilotlar mavjud emas. Albatta, u erda Vitautas malikasi kabi ayollar yashagan. Agar siz Trakay xaritasiga qarasangiz, ko'llar ko'p va afsonada ulardan biri qanday paydo bo'lganligi tushuntirilgan.
Mana mening afsonaning ancha murakkab versiyasini tarjimam. Kassir S. Charchenko ismli etnik karaim edi.
Buyuk knyaz Vytautas ilohiy baloga o'xshab, cheksiz janubiy dashtlarni kezib yurgan yarim yovvoyi tatar qo'shinlarini ta'qib qildi va tez orada Litva chegaralarini Qora dengiz sohillariga ko'chirdi. Shahzodaning irodasini bajarib, mag'lub bo'lmagan jangchilar o'z vatanlaridan ancha uzoqda edilar va shahzodaning qudratini maqtashning dahshatli aks -sadolari uning vatanidan ancha uzoqda eshitildi.
Bir paytlar buyuk knyaz qo'shinlari eski Litva chegaralarini kesib o'tib, tez orada yovvoyi dashtning cheksiz dalalarida o'zlarini yo'qotib qo'yishdi. Issiq yoz o'tdi, keyin oltin kuz keldi va butun Litvani ko'zni qamashtiradigan qalin qor yog'di, lekin ketgan odamlardan hali xabar yo'q edi. Qattiq qishdan keyin, bahor quyoshining iliq nurlari ostida, qor tezda erib ketdi va ko'llarni suv oqimi to'ldira boshladi. Suv sathi doimiy ravishda oshib bordi va nihoyat Galve va Totorisk ko'llari birlashib, cheksiz, porloq suv kengligini yaratdi. Butun Karaim qishlog'ini (?) Suv bosdi, kamtarin uylar bir qator achinarli orollarni tashkil qildi.
Bolalarni ushlab turgan chollar va ayollar baland joyga qochib ketishdi va u erda umidsiz vaziyatlarini tashvish bilan muhokama qilishdi. Nihoyat, ular kuchsiz ekanliklarini anglab, buyuk shahzodadan yordam so'rashga qaror qilishdi. Vaqtni behuda sarflamay, ular qayiqlarga o'tirishdi va qal'a devorlariga chiqishdi va darvoza oldida shovqinli olomon paydo bo'ldi.
Shahzoda o'z saroyining baland derazasidan ayollar va chollarni ko'rib, og'ir zanjirli ko'prikni tushirish, eshiklarni ochish va kutilmagan mehmonlarni oldiga olib kelish to'g'risida buyruq berdi.
"Buyuk shahzoda, bizning ko'zimiz nuri, hamma odamlar sizning ismingizni qo'rqib aytadilar. Bizni qutqar, ey xalqlarning porloq xo'jayini, - yig'laydilar ayollar. "Erlarimiz va aka -ukalarimiz sizning dushmanlaringiz bilan jangga chiqqaniga bir yil bo'ldi, o'shandan beri ular haqida hech qanday xabar yo'q. Ko'rib turganingizdek, bizning uylarimiz suv ostida qolgan va bizni qutqaradigan hech kim yo'q. Siz bizning otamiz va xo'jayinimizsiz, sodiq odamlaringizni bu holatda qoldirmang ».
Vytautas Karaim qishlog'iga qaradi va peshonasi ajinlandi. Atrofda katta -katta suv nuri ko'rinib turardi, ufqda faqat uzoq tepaliklar va karaim uylarining tomlari ko'rinardi. Buyuk shahzoda voqeani o'ylab ko'rishga vaqtini boy bermadi. Yuzi birdan yorishdi va u: "Bor, qo'rqma, men tez orada senga qo'shilaman", dedi.
Darhaqiqat, ular uzoq kutishmadi. Ko'pchilik qirg'oqqa qaytishdi, Vytautas o'zining jangovar otida paydo bo'ldi. Qadimgi Litvada hamma uning otining mo''jizaviy xususiyatlari haqida eshitgan va bolalarga zemaitlik ruhoniylar otni buyuk shahzodaga sovg'a sifatida qanday olib kelgani haqida pichirlab gapirishgan.
Vytautas qirg'oqqa etib kelganida, u birdan otni burdi va yumshoq qo'l bilan unga suv bera boshladi. Mo''jiza kabi, suv yuzasi silkinib ketganday tuyuldi, keyin esa sath pasaya boshladi. Ko'p o'tmay ho'l kulbalar paydo bo'ldi, keyin suv havzalari orasidagi yupqa er va nihoyat qishloqning butun keng chizig'i tiklandi. Bog'lar hech qachon suv toshqini bo'lmagandek, yashil va yashil rangga kirganda, bahor quyoshi hatto erni quritmagan edi.
Karaimlarning hayratlari cheksiz edi. "Bu shahzoda, u bizning otamizga o'xshaydi! Uning ismi butun er yuzida abadiy jaranglasin va avlodlarimiz uning mo''jizaviy otining xotirasini abadiy saqlasin! " Ular hayratdan ko'zlarini pirpiratib, buyuk shahzodaga minnatdorchilik bilan yugurishdi, lekin u yo'q edi. Xo'jayinning irodasini bajarib, olijanob bo'ron kabi ko'tarilib, qorong'i o'rmonda g'oyib bo'ldi. Ayollar baxtdan qutulib, ular hozirgina guvoh bo'lgan hayratni o'ylamadilar, aksincha, bolalarining qo'llaridan ushlab uylariga qaytdilar. Ammo donishmand oqsoqollar kulrang boshlarini qimirlatib, soqollarini tirnab qolishdi. Ular nihoyatda chuqur o'ylanib, shunday ulug'vor shahzoda uchun bunday ot mos keladi, degan xulosaga kelishdi.
Ertasi kuni ertalab yangi ko'l paydo bo'lganligi haqidagi xabar tarqaldi va bu ko'lning suvi qandaydir g'alati xususiyatlarga ega edi: unda tirik mavjudotlar yo'q edi va u buyuk shahzodaning mo''jizaviy otiga o'xshardi.
Manba: keliauk kitaip aruodai
Trakay haqida boshqa afsonalar mavjud, masalan Vilniusdagi qal'a va Tong darvozasi (Aušros vartai) o'rtasidagi maxfiy tunnel haqida. Taqiqlangan ayollar haqida, menimcha, og'zaki adabiyotning mohiyatiga ko'ra, tafsilotlar talaffuzda o'zgaradi. Bu tarixiy haqiqatda hech qanday asosga ega emasga o'xshaydi. Balki kimdir Buyuk Gersoglikni shimoliy dushmani Teutonik ritsarlar bilan adashtirgandir?
Xitoylik ishchilar bir paytlar AQShga konlarda va temir yo'llarda ishlash uchun olib kelingan. Ko'pchilik o'z xotinlari va oilalarisiz kelgan va 19 -asrning ikkinchi yarmida ko'pchilik o'z oilalarini Amerikaga ko'chirishga urinishgan. 1875 yilda Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari xitoylik ayollarning immigratsiyasini "Sahifalar to'g'risida" gi qonun orqali taqiqladi. 1882 yilda Kongress Xitoy ishchilarining immigratsiyasini taqiqlab, Xitoyni chetlatish to'g'risidagi qonunni qabul qildi. U o'sha yilning 6 -mayida prezident Chester Artur tomonidan qonun bilan imzolangan, uning amal qilish muddati o'n yildan keyin belgilangan. Bu sana yaqinlashganda, qonun yana o'n yilga uzaytirildi.
Qonun kuchga kirgan vaqt mobaynida Kongress xitoylarning AQShga kirishini cheklash uchun qo'shimcha qonunlar qabul qildi. Qonun qabul qilinganda Amerikada bo'lgan va biron sababga ko'ra ketganlarga qonun bilan qaytish imkoniyati berilmagan. Qonuniy ravishda kelgan xitoylik muhojirlarga doimiy fuqarolik maqomi berildi, Amerika fuqarosi bo'lish imkoniyati berilmadi. Oliy sud Kongressning ayrim a'zolari tomonidan qattiq tanqid qilinishiga qaramay, Konstitutsiyaviy aktni (1889) qo'llab -quvvatladi. Qonun 1943 yilgacha, AQSh va Xitoy Yaponiyaga qarshi Tinch okean urushida ittifoqchi bo'lgan paytgacha bekor qilinmagan.
Kaliforniya kongressmeni Tomas J. Geari tomonidan taklif qilingan Geary qonuni 1892 yil 5 -mayda kuchga kirdi. Bu Xitoyni chetlatish to'g'risidagi qonun va Xitoy immigratsiyasiga qo'yilgan taqiqni yana o'n yilga uzaytirdi. Shuningdek, u AQShdagi xitoyliklardan Ichki daromadlar xizmatidan maxsus hujjatlar va yashash joyi to'g'risidagi guvohnomalarni olib kelishni talab qilgan. Sertifikatlar olib kelmayotgan qo'lga olingan muhojirlar og'ir mehnat va deportatsiya jazosiga hukm qilindi va agar ayblanuvchiga "oq tanli guvoh" guvohlik bergan bo'lsa, garov garovi edi. ”
Nihoyat, 1882 yildagi ishchi Yy Shun sudidan so'ng, amerikalik xitoyliklarga sudda guvohlik berishga ruxsat berildi, garchi immigratsion taqiqni olib tashlash uchun o'nlab yillar kerak bo'ladi.
Ilgari qanday edi: Al Bruno tomonidan Ellis oroliga kelgan erta italiyalik muhojirlar
1892-1954 yillar oralig'ida 12 milliondan ortiq muhojir Ellis oroli orqali o'tdi - cho'qqisi 1.004.756 AQShga faqat 1907 yilda kirdi va ko'pchilik italiyaliklar edi. Aslida, 1907 yilda Ellis oroliga kelgan ko'pchilik italiyalik muhojirlar bir necha soat ichida qayta ishlangan.
"Bu odamdan odamga turlicha edi, lekin 80 foiz jarayon bir necha soat davom etdi, keyin ular chiqib ketdi", deydi u. "Ammo bunga bir necha kun, bir necha hafta, bir necha oy yoki kamdan -kam hollarda bir necha yil ketishi mumkin", deb yozadi Vinsent Kannato In. Amerika o'tish joyi: Ellis orolining tarixi.
"Kun oxirida 2 foizdan kamrog'i rad etiladi. Bu jarayon ko'pchilikni chetda qoldirish emas, balki maqsad-bug'doyni somondan tozalash va "istalmagan" odamlarni elakdan o'tkazish edi. Tekshiruvdan o'tganlarni hech qanday rasmiy hujjatlarsiz yo'lga yuborishdi. "Deb yozadi Kannato.
"Fikringizni o'rab olish qiyin, chunki biz bugun shunday byurokratik dunyoda yashayapmiz."
1907 yilda chiqish joyidan har bir yo'lovchining ismi yozilgan hujjati tuzildi. Ellis orolidagi immigratsiya muzeyining tarixchisi va kutubxonachisi Barri Morenoning so'zlariga ko'ra, jarayon shunday kechdi:
"Kema Nyu -York bandargohiga kirishga ruxsat berilgunga qadar, u Staten oroli sohilidagi karantinli nazorat punktida to'xtab turishi kerak edi, u erda shifokorlar chechak, sariq isitma, vabo, vabo va moxov kabi xavfli, yuqumli kasalliklarni qidirishadi". deb yozadi Moreno Tarix.
"Birinchi va ikkinchi darajali yo'lovchilar (milliarderlar, sahna yulduzlari, savdogarlar, ishbilarmonlar va boshqalar) bilan suhbat o'tkazildi va kema to'xtaganidan keyin tushishga ruxsat berildi. 1907 yilda Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkilotiga kirish uchun na pasport, na viza kerak edi va umuman hujjatlar talab qilinmadi. Bu qog'ozsiz davr edi. Siz Evropaga kemaga chiqqaningizda amaldorga og'zaki ravishda ma'lumot berishingiz kerak edi va bu ma'lumot ular kelganida ishlatilgan yagona ma'lumot edi ", deb yozadi Moreno.
"Yo'lovchilarni kichik paroxodlarga o'tirib, Ellis oroliga olib kelishdi. Birinchidan, harbiy jarrohlarning tibbiy ko'riklari. Shifokorlar ko'p tillarda bir nechta ko'rsatmalarni bilishlari kerak edi va faqat 10% qo'shimcha tekshiruvlar yoki so'roq qilish uchun hibsga olingan ", deb yozadi Moreno.
Hibsga olinganlarga birinchi so'z urushi oxirida Amerika Qizil Xoch Italiya qo'mitasining ko'chirish ishining boshlanishini kuzatib, Italiya farovonlik ligasidan yordam olish baxtiga muyassar bo'lishdi. O'sha paytda, minglab italiyaliklar urush paytida Italiya armiyasida jang qilganidan keyin qaytgan edilar, Italiya Ikkinchi jahon urushida amerikaliklarning ittifoqchisi edi.
"1920 -yillarning oxiriga kelib, Ellisda Italiya farovonlik ligasining filiali ochildi va orolda o'ziga xos mavqega ega bo'ldi - bu italiyaliklarga yordam beradigan yagona yordamchi jamiyatga aylandi. Ellis orolida Liga italiyaliklarga, ayniqsa, hibsga olingan yoki deportatsiya qilingan hibsga olingan chet elliklar va immigrantlarga yordam berdi. Amerikaning immigratsiya qonunlari va siyosati byurokratik bant bilan to'lgan edi, buning natijasida minglab odamlar vaqtincha hibsga olindi yoki undan ham yomoni, maxsus tergov va tinglovlar uchun ushlab turildi ", deb yozadi Moreno Italiya farovonlik ligasining hikoyasi.
"1920 -yillardan 1940 -yillarga qadar Liga AQShda bir muddat yashagan, ammo qora kunlarda qolgan va immigratsiya qonunlarining bir yoki bir nechtasini buzgani uchun deportatsiya qilinmagan chet el fuqarolariga yordam qo'lini cho'zdi. "Deb yozadi Moreno.
"Ba'zilar jinoyat sodir etganliklari uchun sudlanganliklari uchun, ba'zilari qashshoqlik va tilanchilik hayotiga tushib qolganlari uchun, boshqalari haqiqiy Italiya pasportiga ega bo'lmaganligi va AQShga noqonuniy yo'l bilan kirganliklari uchun, boshqalari esa sodir etganliklari uchun haydab chiqarildi. oq qullik fohishalik yoki noqonuniy bolalar tug'ilishi kabi axloqiy turg'unlik jinoyatlaridan biri. Liga maslahat, qishki palto, toza kiyim va hamdardlik ko'rsatdi ", deb yozadi Moreno.
Italiya farovonlik ligasi, Italiyadan endigina kelgan italiyalik muhojirlarning himoyachisi va tarjimoni sifatida Amerika hayotiga muvaffaqiyatli o'tishga muvaffaq bo'lgan muhojirlar orqali jamiyatga kirib keldi, bu italiyaliklarga maqtovli yordam-italiyaliklarga kerak bo'lganda yordam berdi. ajoyib tarzda
O'rta maktabda o'qigan, birinchi avlod, xizmat ko'rsatuvchi va kasaba uyushmalari bo'lgan yosh italiyalik erkaklar italiyalik oilalarning manbasi va maslahatchisiga aylanishdi: jamiyatda qimmatli va uzoq muddatli aloqalarni yaratish. Ikkinchi Jahon urushi ruhi yordamchi va sharafli o'g'il bo'lish ruhini ilg'or, italyan oilalari qabul qildi.
Xuddi shunday, birinchi avlod, Jo DiMaggio, Lawrence "Yogi" Berra, Rokki Marciano va Vince Lombardi singari birinchi avlod italiyalik sport zo'rlari ham o'z kasblarida otalarining izidan borishdan bosh tortishdi. DiMagjo baliqchi bo'lishni xohlamadi, Berra g'isht teruvchi bo'lishni xohlamadi, Marciano etikchi, Lombardi esa qassob va go'sht tarqatuvchi bo'lishni xohlamadi.
Marcianoning otasi Peirino, to'ng'ich o'g'li Rokkoni qayta -qayta undab, uni "o'ziga xos" ish qilishga undadi va zavodning zolim ishidan va qashshoqlikdan qutqaradi.
Marciano qo'rqqan narsa, ayniqsa, ota -onasi uchun kambag'allik edi, va u o'zini to'ng'ich va yaxshi o'g'li sifatida o'z oilasini qashshoqlikdan abadiy olib chiqishga majbur bo'lganini his qilib, muhojir ota -onasi Peirino va Pasqualinani birinchi bo'lib mag'rur va oilaga aylantirmoqchi edi. Italiyaning eng muhim mantrasi.
1940-1950 yillarda Lombardi otasi Enriko bilan Nyu -York shtatining Bruklindagi qassobchilik va go'sht tarqatish biznesida ishlagan. Enriko tinimsiz ishladi, Vins ergashdi, muzlatgichlardan muntazam ravishda 200 funtga yaqin mol go'shti olib kelishni umrining oxirigacha xohlamagan ish emasligini yaxshi bilardi.
Avvaliga, bu birinchi avlod italiyalik buyuklari, otalariga bo'ysunishdi va ularga ergashishdi, ular bilan yonma-yon ishlashdi va bu o'zlari va ota-onalar uchun xohlagan o'yin va muvaffaqiyat emasligini tushunishdi. Ularning otalari namunali ish odatlari bilan etakchilik qilishgan, kasbiy tayyorgarlikni modellashtirish va mukammallikka intilish bilan birga hech qanday qisqartirishga yo'l qo'yilmagan.
"Siz birdaniga to'g'ri ish qilmaysiz. Siz ularni har doim to'g'ri bajarasiz ”,-deb baqirardi Papa Erni Lombardi yosh, intiluvchan Vinsentga. Bu o'sha paytda ko'pchilik italyan uy xo'jaliklarida aytilgan oddiy mantra edi.
Italiyalik o'g'illar itoatkorlik bilan bu mashaqqatli ishlarni bajarar edilar, otalari esa keyinchalik o'z hayotlari davomida o'yin maydonlarida va maydonlarida katta sport harakatlariga aylanadigan nomoddiy fazilatlarni berishar edi: DiMaggio otasining baliqchi qayig'ini tozalashni yomon ko'rardi Marciano. Zavod ishining zulmli sharoitlari va Lombardi 200 kilogrammga yaqin tovuq go'shtini olib ketishni juda yomon ko'rar edi, lekin ular maydalashni qabul qilib, ishni maqtovga sazovor qilishdi.
Endryu Roll o'z kitobida: "Italiya o'g'illari otasining yo'lini tutmaganliklari uchun sharmanda bo'lishlari va aybdor bo'lishlari kerak edi. Italiyalik amerikaliklar: muammoli ildizlar. Italiyalik o'g'il bolalar uchun, otaga ergashish, odatda, yagona to'g'ri ish edi, yoki ular abadiy oiladan "ajrashish" ga duch kelishardi.
Bu birinchi avlod italyan o'g'illari o'zlarining harakatlari va qat'iyatliligi bilan ajralib turishdi, qiyinchiliklarni yengishdi va futbol, beysbol, boks, kurash va hattoki og'ir atletika kabi raqobatbardosh, jismoniy talablarga javob beradigan sport turlarida g'olib bo'lishlari uchun rag'batlantirildi. Ular sport uchun jismoniy ko'nikmalarga ega edilar, ammo oq tanli kasblarni egallash uchun zarur bo'lgan akademik qobiliyatlarga ega emas edilar.
Bu italyan o'g'illari o'z oilalarini "Amerika orzusi" ni ko'rishga, boshdan kechirishga va foyda ko'rishga yordam berib, o'zlarining o'ziga xosligini yaratishni juda xohlashgan. Ko'p yillar davomida hamma ularni qadrlashi, taqlid qilishi va takrorlashi uchun ular tasavvur qilib bo'lmaydigan tarzda muvaffaqiyat qozonishdi.
(1) Adolf Gitler, NSDAP Ayollar Tashkilotidagi nutqi (1934 yil sentyabr)
"Ayollarning kvotasi" shiori yahudiy ziyolilari tomonidan ixtiro qilingan. Agar erkakning dunyosi - davlat, uning kurashi, o'z kuchini jamoat xizmatiga bag'ishlashga tayyorligi aytilsa, ehtimol, ayol kichikroq dunyoda. Uning dunyosi - uning eri, oilasi, bolalari va uyi. Agar kichkinasiga g'amxo'rlik qiladigan va g'amxo'rlik qiladigan hech kim bo'lmaganida, buyuk dunyo nima bo'lar edi? Kichik dunyo barqaror bo'lmasa, buyuk dunyo omon qololmaydi. Biz ayollarning erkak dunyosiga aralashishini to'g'ri deb hisoblamaymiz. Agar bu ikki dunyo bir -biridan farq qilsa, biz buni tabiiy deb hisoblaymiz.
(2) G. Zienef, O'lim uchun ta'lim (1942)
Men bir soat direktor bilan, juda do'stona, ellik yoshli xonim bilan o'tkazdim. Uning so'zlariga ko'ra, maktabdagi har bir sinf Frauenschaffen deb nomlangan kurs atrofida qurilgan, bu ayollarning faoliyati. Umumiy mavzu quyidagilarga bo'lindi: Handarbeit (qo'l ishi), Hauswirtschaft (mahalliy fan, oshpazlik, uy va bog 'ishlari) va eng muhimi, Pflege kursi (evgenika va gigiena, erkak va reproduktiv organlarni o'rganishga bag'ishlangan). ayol, kontseptsiya, tug'ilish, irqiy poklik, chaqaloqlarni parvarish qilish, oilaviy farovonlik).
U menga Fuherer qizlarning o'z tanalari davlat uchun ongidan ko'ra muhimroq ekanligini his qilishlarini xohlashini aytdi. U qizlarning tanasi bilan faxrlanishini xohlardi. U sevgililarining jasadlari bilan qiziqishlarini xohlardi. Agar qizning sog'lom tanasi tug'ilishga yaroqli bo'lsa, u buni faxr bilan ko'rsatishi kerak.
(3) Adolf Gitler, nutq (1935 yil sentyabr)
Marksizm talab qiladigan ayollarga teng huquqlar berish, aslida, teng huquqlarni bermaydi, balki huquqlardan mahrum qilishni tashkil qiladi, chunki u ayolni, albatta, past bo'ladigan sohaga tortadi. Ayolning o'z jang maydoni bor. U dunyoga olib kelgan har bir farzandi bilan millat uchun kurashadi.
(4) Isle Makki Germaniya Qizlar Ligasi a'zosi edi, keyinchalik o'z tarjimai holidagi tajribalarini esladi.
Bizga bolaligimizdan onalikka tayyorgarlik ko'rishni aytishdi, chunki bizning sevimli rahbarimiz va Milliy Sotsialistik Hukumat oldida ona xalqning eng muhim odami edi. Biz kelajakda Germaniyaning umidimiz bo'ldik va yangi avlod o'g'illari va qizlarini ko'paytirish va tarbiyalash bizning burchimiz edi. Tez orada bu darslar Germaniya Qizlar Ligasining o'smir a'zolari tomonidan olib kelingan, Reyx uchun juda ko'p noqonuniy o'g'il -qizlarning mevasini berdi. Qizlar o'z burchlarini ado etgandek his qilishdi va bu janjaldan bexabar edi.
(5) Jutta R & uumldiger, Adolf Gitlerning 1932 yilda D & uumlsseldorfda gapirganini eshitdi.
Bu katta zal edi va hamma Gitler kelishini kutishardi. Aytishim kerakki, bu elektrlashtiruvchi atmosfera edi. 1933 yilgacha ham hamma uni qutqaruvchidek kutishgan. Keyin u shohsupaga ko'tarildi. Eslayman, hammasi jim bo'lib qoldi va u jiddiy ovozda gapira boshladi. Tinch, sekin, keyin u borgan sari g'ayratli bo'la boshladi. Tan olishim kerak, uning aytganlarini aniq eslay olmayman. Ammo keyin menda shunday taassurot paydo bo'ldi: bu odam o'zi uchun hech narsani xohlamaydi, faqat nemis xalqiga qanday yordam berishi haqida o'ylaydi.
(6) Natsistlarning irqiy siyosat byurosi, turmush o'rtog'ini ko'rib chiqishda o'nta qoidaga rioya qilish (1934)
Siz nemis ekanligingizni unutmang.
Ruh va qalb pokligicha qoling!
Tanangizni toza tuting!
Agar irsiy jihatdan mos bo'lsa, yolg'iz qolmang!
Faqat sevgi uchun uylaning.
Nemis bo'lish uchun faqat turmush o'rtog'ingizni yoki shunga o'xshash yoki tegishli qonni tanlang!
Turmush o'rtog'ingizni tanlashda, uning ota -bobolaridan so'rang!
Tashqi go'zallik uchun ham sog'liq muhim!
Turmush o'rtog'ini o'ylang, sherigingizni qidiring.
Iloji boricha ko'p bolalarga umid qilaman! Sizning vazifangiz - milliy aktsiyalarning kelajagini ta'minlash uchun kamida to'rtta nasl berish.
(7) Liselotte Katscher, Milliy sotsialistik nemis ishchilar partiyasining a'zosi, hamshira bo'lib ishlagan. Keyinchalik u onalik yoshidagi qiz onalik uchun yaroqsiz deb hisoblangani uchun qanday sterilizatsiya qilinganini esladi.
Xenni shifokor ko'rigidan o'tkazdi, u ozgina zaiflikni aniqladi-menimcha, bu ozgina zaiflik edi va ular uni sterilizatsiya qilish kerak deb qaror qilishdi. O'sha paytda men bu haqda juda ko'p o'yladim va qizga achindim, lekin bu qonun edi va shifokorlar qaror qilishdi. Men uni shaxsan o'sha kasalxonadagi tug'ruq bo'limiga olib bordim. Lekin men hech qachon qaror juda qattiq ekanligidan shubhalanmaganman. Men bu yosh qiz bilan muomala qilsam, u oddiy hayot kechirishga qodir ekanligi haqidagi taassurot qoldirdim. Fojia shundaki, u shu zahotiyoq qo'yib yuborildi, keyin ishga joylashdi va yaxshi yigit bilan uchrashdi va sterilizatsiyasi tufayli unga uylanishiga ruxsat berilmadi.
(8) Marta Dodd, Mening Germaniyadagi yillarim (1939)
O'n yoshdan boshlab yosh qizlarni faqat ikki narsaga o'rgatadigan tashkilotlarga qabul qilishdi: o'z tanalariga g'amxo'rlik qilish, shunda ular davlatga kerak bo'lgan ko'p bolalarni ko'tarishi va milliy sotsializmga sodiq bo'lishi. Garchi natsistlar erkaklar etishmasligi tufayli hamma ayollar ham turmushga chiqa olmasligini tan olishga majbur bo'lishgan. Katta miqdordagi nikoh ssudalari har yili to'lanadi, bunda shartnoma tuzuvchi tomonlar hukumatdan katta miqdordagi qarzni asta -sekin to'lashi yoki etarlicha bola tug'ilishi bilan bekor qilinishi mumkin. Tug'ilishni nazorat qilish to'g'risidagi ma'lumotlar yoqmaydi va amalda taqiqlangan.
Gitler va boshqa fashistlar doimo "Volk ohne Raum" (bo'sh joysiz odamlar) haqida gapirishsa -da, ular o'z erkak va ayollariga ko'proq farzand ko'rishni buyuradilar. Ayollar tug'ish va og'ir mehnatdan boshqa barcha huquqlardan mahrum etilgan. Ularga siyosiy hayotda ishtirok etishga ruxsat berilmagan - aslida Gitlerning rejalari oxir -oqibat ovoz berishdan mahrum qilishni o'z ichiga oladi, ularga o'qish imkoniyatlari berilmaydi, o'zlarini ifoda etishlari va kasblari yopiladi.
(9) Jozef Gebbels, Myunxendagi nutqi (1933 yil mart)
Xalq ma'rifati va targ'ibot vazirligini boshqarganimdan beri birinchi nutqim nemis ayollari uchun bo'lgani baxtsiz hodisadir. Garchi men Treitskke erkaklar tarixni yaratadi degan fikrga qo'shilsa -da, ayollar o'g'il bolalarni erkaklikka tarbiyalashini unutmayman. Bilasizki, milliy sotsialistik harakat ayollarni kundalik siyosatdan chetlashtiradigan yagona partiya. Bu achchiq tanqid va dushmanlikni keltirib chiqaradi, bularning hammasi asossizdir. Biz Germaniyada o'tgan o'n to'rt yil davomida ayollarni parlament-demokratik fitnalardan saqladik, chunki biz ularni hurmat qilmaymiz, balki ularni haddan tashqari hurmat qilamiz. Biz ayolni pastroq deb emas, balki erkaknikidan boshqa vazifaga, boshqa qadriyatga ega deb bilamiz. Shuning uchun biz, dunyodagi har qanday ayolga qaraganda, nemis ayoli, o'z kuchini va qobiliyatini erkakdan boshqa sohalarda ishlatishi kerakligiga ishonardik.
Ayol har doim nafaqat erkak va erkakning sherigi, balki uning hamkasbi bo'lgan. Ancha vaqt oldin, u dalada bo'lgan odam bilan og'ir mehnat qilgan. U u bilan shaharlarga ko'chib o'tdi, ofis va fabrikalarga kirib, o'zi uchun eng munosib ishning ulushini qildi. U buni butun qobiliyati, sadoqati, fidoyiligi, qurbonlikka tayyorligi bilan qildi. Hozirgi jamoat hayotidagi ayol o'tmishdagi ayollardan farq qilmaydi. Hozirgi zamonni tushunadigan hech kim, ayollarni jamoat hayotidan, ishdan, kasbdan va non yutishdan haydash haqida aqldan ozgan fikrga ega bo'lmaydi. Ammo shuni ham aytish kerakki, odamga tegishli bo'lgan narsalar unga tegishli bo'lishi kerak. Bunga siyosat va harbiylik kiradi. Bu ayollarni kamsitish emas, balki u o'z iste'dod va qobiliyatlarini eng yaxshi ishlatishini tan olishdir.
O'tgan Germaniya yillarini va rsquosning pasayishini ko'rib, biz qo'rqinchli, deyarli qo'rqinchli xulosaga keldikki, nemis erkaklarining jamoat hayotida erkaklar rolini bajarishga tayyorligi qanchalik kam bo'lsa, ayollar shunchalik ko'p erkakning rolini bajarish vasvasasiga berilib ketishdi. Erkaklarning feminizatsiyasi har doim ayollarning erkakligiga olib keladi. Yaxshi fazilatlar, qat'iyatlilik, qat'iyatlilik va qat'iyat haqidagi barcha buyuk g'oyalar unutilgan asr, erkak asta -sekin ayolning hayotida, siyosatida va boshqaruvida o'zining etakchi rolini yo'qotishiga hayron bo'lmaslik kerak.
Ayollar auditoriyasiga buni aytish yoqmasligi mumkin, lekin aytish kerak, chunki bu haqiqat va bu ayollarga bo'lgan munosabatimizni aniqlashtirishga yordam beradi.
Hozirgi zamon, hukumat, siyosat, iqtisodiyot va ijtimoiy munosabatlardagi ulkan inqilobiy o'zgarishlar bilan ayollarni va ularning ijtimoiy hayotdagi rolini befarq qoldirmadi. Bir necha yillar yoki o'n yillar oldin biz imkonsiz deb o'ylagan narsalar endi kundalik haqiqatga aylandi. Yaxshi, olijanob va maqtovga sazovor voqealar yuz berdi. Lekin, shuningdek, kamsituvchi va kamsitadigan narsalar. Bu inqilobiy o'zgarishlar asosan ayollardan o'z vazifalarini oldi. Ularning ko'zlari o'zlariga mos bo'lmagan tomonga tikilgan. Natijada, nemis ayolligi haqidagi sobiq ideallarga hech qanday aloqasi bo'lmagan, buzilgan jamoatchilik fikri paydo bo'ldi.
Asosiy o'zgarish kerak. Reaktsion va eskirgan bo'lib qolish xavfi ostida, buni aniq aytaman: ayollar uchun birinchi, eng yaxshi va eng munosib joy - bu oilada, va uning eng ulug'vor vazifasi - o'z xalqiga va millatiga bolalarni berish. avlodlar avlodini davom ettiradi va millatning boqiyligiga kafolat beradi. Ayol - yoshlarning ustozi, shuning uchun kelajak poydevorining quruvchisi. Agar oila - millat va kuch manbai bo'lsa, ayol uning asosiy va markazidir. Ayolning o'z xalqiga xizmat qilishi uchun eng yaxshi joy - bu uning nikohida, oilasida, onaligida.
Bu uning eng oliy missiyasi. Bu degani, ish bilan band bo'lgan yoki bolasi bo'lmagan ayollarning nemis xalqining onaligida ishtiroki yo'q degani emas. Ular o'z kuchlari, qobiliyatlari, millat uchun mas'uliyat hissini boshqa yo'llar bilan ishlatadilar. Ishonamizki, ijtimoiy jihatdan isloh qilingan xalqning birinchi vazifasi ayolga o'z vazifasini, oiladagi va ona vazifasini bajarish imkoniyatini berishdir.
Milliy inqilobiy hukumat reaktsiondan boshqa hamma narsadir. Bu bizning tez harakatlanayotgan asrimiz tezligini to'xtatmoqchi emas. Vaqtdan orqada qolish niyati yo'q. U kelajakning bayrog'i va yo'lboshchisi bo'lishni xohlaydi. Biz zamonaviy davr talablarini bilamiz. Lekin bu bizni har bir asrning onalikdan kelib chiqishini, davlatga farzand beradigan oilaning tirik onasidan muhimroq narsa yo'qligini ko'rishga to'sqinlik qilmaydi.
So'nggi yillarda nemis ayollari o'zgargan. Ular ko'proq huquqlar berilgani, lekin vazifalari kamaygani uchun baxtli emasliklarini ko'ra boshladilar. Ular endi yashash huquqi, onalik huquqi va uning kundalik noni evaziga davlat lavozimlariga saylanish huquqi yaxshi savdo emasligini tushunib etishdi. Zamonaviy davrning o'ziga xos xususiyati - bu bizning katta shaharlarimizda tug'ilishning tez kamayishi. 1900 yilda Germaniyada ikki million chaqaloq tug'ildi. Endi ularning soni bir millionga tushdi.
Bu keskin pasayish mamlakat poytaxtida yaqqol namoyon bo'ladi. So'nggi 14 yil ichida Berlin va rsquos tug'ilish darajasi Evropaning eng past shaharlaridan biriga aylandi. 1955 yilga kelib, emigratsiyasiz, uning atigi uch millionga yaqin aholisi bo'ladi. Hukumat oilaning tanazzulini va qonimiz qashshoqligini to'xtatishga qat'iy qaror qildi. Asosiy o'zgarish bo'lishi kerak. Oila va bolaga nisbatan liberal munosabat Germaniyaning tez pasayishi uchun javobgardir.
Biz bugun aholining qarishi haqida qayg'urishni boshlashimiz kerak. 1900 yilda har bir keksa kishiga ettita bola to'g'ri kelgan bo'lsa, bugungi kunda atigi to'rtta. Agar hozirgi tendentsiyalar davom etsa, 1988 yilga kelib bu nisbat 1: 1 bo'ladi. Bu statistika hammasini aytadi. Agar ular Germaniya hozirgi yo'lini davom ettirsa, u tubsizlik bilan yakunlanishining eng yaxshi isbotidir. Germaniya depopulyatsiya tufayli qulab tushgan o'n yilligini aniqlay olamiz.
Biz milliy hayotimizning qulashi va bizga meros bo'lib o'tgan qonning yo'q qilinishini kuzatib turishga tayyor emasmiz. Milliy inqilobiy hukumat millatni asl poydevorida qayta qurish, ayolning hayoti va ishini yana bir bor milliy manfaatlarga xizmat qiladigan tarzda o'zgartirish majburiyatini oladi. Ijtimoiy tengsizlikni bartaraf etish niyatida, xalqimiz hayoti va xalqimizning kelajagi va qonimizning o'lmasligiga yana bir bor ishonch hosil qilinadi. & Rdquo
(10) Jozef Gebbels, Myunxendagi nutqi (1934)
Ayollar oldida chiroyli bo'lish va bolalarni dunyoga olib kelish vazifasi bor va bu hech qachon o'ylanganidek qo'pol va eskirgan emas. Urg'ochi qush umr yo'ldoshiga g'amxo'rlik qiladi va unga tuxum qo'yadi. O'z navbatida, turmush o'rtog'i ovqatni yig'ish bilan shug'ullanadi va dushmanni himoya qiladi.
(11) Adolf Gitler, 1942 yil 26 yanvarda nutq so'zlagan.
Men siyosat bilan shug'ullanadigan ayollarni yomon ko'raman. Va agar ularning harakatlari harbiy masalalarga taalluqli bo'lsa, bu butunlay chidab bo'lmas bo'ladi. Partiyaning hech bir qismida ayol eng kichik lavozimni egallashga haqli emas.
1924 yilda bizda siyosatga qiziqqan ayollarning keskin ko'tarilishi kuzatildi. Ular Reyxstagga qo'shilishni xohlashdi, chunki bu tananing axloqiy darajasini ko'tarishdi, deyishdi. Men ularga parlament tomonidan ko'rib chiqilgan masalalarning 90 foizi erkaklar ishi ekanligini, ular bo'yicha hech qanday fikrga ega bo'lmasliklarini aytdim. Gallantry ayollarga o'zlariga mos bo'lmagan vaziyatlarga tushish imkoniyatini berishni taqiqlaydi.
(12) Jutta R & uumldiger, Germaniya Qizlar Ligasi rahbari, 1939 yilda Geynrix Himmlerning 1939 yilda qilgan nutqini eshitib, hayratda qoldi.
Uning so'zlariga ko'ra, urushda ko'p erkaklar o'ldiriladi va shuning uchun millatga ko'proq bolalar kerak bo'ladi va agar erkak, agar xotinidan tashqari, sevgilisi bo'lsa, bolalarini ko'tarsa, bu yomon fikr emas. Aytishim kerakki, mening barcha rahbarlarim sochlarini tepaga tikib o'tirishgan.
(13) Richard Grunberger, Uchinchi reyxning ijtimoiy tarixi (1971)
The truth was that female labour was cheaper: skilled women earned 66 per cent of men's wages, unskilled ones 70 per cent, which explains why during the Depression nearly one man in three (29 per cent) was dismissed but only one woman in every ten (11 per cent). Furthermore women workers were indispensable. In 1933 women formed 37 per cent of the total employed labour force in Germany. Every second agricultural worker was female in addition, 75 per cent of female labour on the land was not hired but consisted of members of the family.
Since the absorption of men into the resurgent economy proceeded at a much faster rate than that of women - between 1933 and 1937 800,000 newly married women received loans on condition of not seeking re-employment - the female proportion of the total labour force declined to 31 per cent in 1937, although the total numbers actually increased. By 1939, women again constituted exactly a third of the employed labour force, comprising nearly 7 million white-collar and blue-collar workers. In industry as a whole they represented almost a quarter (23 per cent) of the personnel.
(14) Cate Haste, Nazi Women (2001)
On 30 January 1933, the Nazis came to power. They celebrated with a huge parade: column after column of uniformed men - swastika banners waving, torches burning and music playing- marched through the Brandenburg Gate and took over the streets of Berlin. In this massive show of political strength, there was not a single woman.
From the foundation of the Nazi Party in 1921, women were denied any position of power in its hierarchy - the only reference to women in its programme was Point 21, which pledged protection for mothers. Since winning the vote in 1918, women had been elected in significant numbers to represent all the other main parties in local and regional government, and in the German Reichstag, where they made up 10 per cent of deputies. In the National Socialist Party there were no women representatives at all.
The Nazis offered women a special role - as companions to warrior husbands in forging the Thousand Year Reich. Their mission was to be wives supporting their husbands, and mothers breeding the future master race. In this, their "true" role, they would be valued in the New Germany.
When Hitler came to power, almost half of those voting for him were women. His promise to restore order and end unemployment held strong appeal. German women had experienced the anarchy of street fighting between rival political gangs on their doorsteps. Unemployment bred uncertainty and discord at the heart of their family lives. Women who worked to keep their families as their husbands lost their jobs, or who saw their standard of life deteriorate, longed for stability and certainty - feelings successfully tapped by Hitler.
(15) Gertrud Scholtz-Klink, To Be German Is to Be Strong (1936)
The National Socialist movement sees the man and the woman as equal bearers of Germany&rsquos future. It asks, however, for more than in the past: that each should first completely accomplish the tasks that are appropriate to his or her nature.
The woman, besides caring for her own children, should first care for those who need her help as mothers of the nation. This primarily involves thinking about family law and supporting families, youth legislation, and protecting the youth. It also requires thinking about the occupational paths that female youth will follow in the coming years, since some men and women are still unemployed, and some changes in women&rsquos work will therefore be needed. Given our relations with each other, we affirm these temporary measures because we have firm faith that we have the strength to overcome the many present difficulties that our people faces. Our love for our people, however, will never allow these temporary difficulties to cause conflicts only for the sake of conflict, or that they be interpreted by sensation-hungry individuals as a failure of the National Socialist worldview.
We are always being asked if we see everything that has to be done in the area of women&rsquos work. We can only say that each has the right and the opportunity to work with us and to follow the path leading to the resurrection of our people. However, we must sense love and concern, we must see that he comes to us because of a love for his people. Empty intellectual thinking or a superiority complex have never saved a people.
Women, I wish to try briefly to make clear what the deepest calling we women have is: motherhood. In the bad fourteen years between 1918 and 1933, motherhood was often robbed of its deepest meaning and reduced to something superficial, something that was even held in contempt. Instead of a child being seen as the deepest affirmation of the woman and of life, it was seen as a burden, as a sacrifice on the part of the woman. A child was often seen not as a great link to God as the creator of all life, before whom we must bow with folded hands and trembling hearts, but rather very often as the result of a weak mind and as an escape from the great events of life.
Many women were superficially mothers, but they had forgotten to subordinate themselves to the law of life, which sees the affirmation of a child as the answer of the woman to her people, and also her contribution to the right of her people to survive.
Transforming the calling of motherhood to the job of motherhood left children joyless, unhappy, without strength or soul. Devilish forces under the leadership of Marxism attempted to lead German women along this path.
It is therefore our task to awaken once again the sense of the divine, to make the calling to motherhood the way through which the German woman will see her calling to be mother of the nation. She will then not live her life selfishly, but rather in service to her people.
4. Space Case
Valentina Tereshkova was the first woman in space, aboard Vostok 6 in 1963. But she came from humble origins —she was a textile factory worker for many years. One of her hobbies, amateur skydiving, hinted at the, ahem, great heights she would end up aspiring to. To join the Vostok 6 crew, she was selected from over 400 candidates and beat out four other finalists for the opportunity to.
Remember to aim for the stars, kids!
How did the Japanese lay siege to their castles?
During feudal Japan or any other time period (I'm not too knowledgable in Japanese history) how did they besiege and take castles, if they even did at all? What were their chances at succeeding? The defender's chances? What weapons or equipment were used? We're castles worth attacking at all? What were the consequences for failure? Lastly, what are some of the most famous castle sieges in Japan?
I know this is a lot, but I'm curious. Providing any information would be great and intriguing.
Well, to begin, we need to recognize that when we talk about medieval Japanese castles and sieges, we are not talking about castles that look like Himeji Castle. These architectural expressions of power date to the period of peace following the consolidation of power by the Tokugawa shoguns post 1600. The castles involved in sieges would probably have looked like Sakasai Castle and Arato Castle Depending on the era, Japanese castles were pure fortresses, designed to be used only in times of emergency and located atop mountain peaks centers of both defense and administration, from which warlords could administer their domains while maintaining the defensive advantages of a fortified base, or purely centers of administrative power, where the defensive features were primarily symbolic instead of functional.
Sieges in feudal Japan followed a similar pattern to those around the world. An attacking army would invest the fortress, while the defenders would retreat within the walls. From there, both sides would wait until changing circumstances forced one side to act, these being the arrival of a relieving army, the arrival of reinforcements for the besiegers, a shortage of food or water, or treachery. Unlike sieges in western Europe or in mainland Asia, there was a distinct lack of siege equipment. While Japanese warlords did have access to man-powered trebuchets, and later cannon, the form of Japanese castle walls made these weapons less than effective. Most Japanese castles were essentially carved from mountainsides, with the steep slopes forming the “walls” of the castle that were then topped with wood palisades. See Shikizan Castle or the increasingly famous Takeda Castle . Wealthier warlords would have the slopes lined with stones that were carefully fitted together, and the palisades would be replaced by wood board walls or clay-plastered walls. Even castles located on flat land would feature walls made of piled earth, topped with a palisade, and possibly lined with stone. The missiles from trebuchets and other siege equipment would not topple these walls.
Most sieges, from what I have read, did not last very long. Many times the defenders would sally forth and attack the besiegers in an attempt to break the siege. These attacks were often a result of declining food or water supplies. There was one siege where the commander of the besieged castle dumped the castle’s water supplies down the slopes of the castle prior to launching a direct attack on the besiegers and driving them off. The besiegers were not idle either. Direct assaults would be launched on the castle, especially when the attackers enjoyed a numerical advantage or when it was necessary to quickly take the fortress. However, this was not especially easy, as Japanese castles employed extensive defense in depth, with multiple baileys providing platforms for defensive archers and, later on, musketmen. See Odani Castle, which withstood multiple sieges by Oda Nobunaga. Besiegers would launch harassing raids and attempt to cut off the castle’s water supplies—especially when the castle did not have a reliable supply of water within its walls. There was also an instance of the deliberate flooding of Takamatsu castle in 1582 by the besiegers during Hideyoshi’s campaigns, where his engineers dammed a river and forced it to flood a castle. Additionally, the besiegers would also attempt to light the castle on fire, a very effective tactic in an age when all castles were essentially made of wood, including the towers, walls, and gates. This was used by Oda Nobunaga to destroy the fortress of Nagashima in 1574. Finally, many sieges were decided by the result of nearby field battles—such as the relief of Nagashino castle following the defeat of the Takeda army by the Oda and Tokugawa in 1574.
In regards to the chances for the besiegers and the besieged, it all depended on multiple factors: the number of men involved, supplies at hand, the possibility of relief or reinforcement, geography, the castle's design and so on. Many sieges would end with the besieging army retreating upon the approach of a reliving force that would change the balance of forces involved. The fall of a castle often meant death for the defenders. Most of the commanders would commit suicide in various ways, or would organize a final, suicidal attack on the enemy. If you were captured, you would be ordered to commit suicide, or, if you were especially despised by the enemy, you would be executed. However, some sieges would not end in mass casualties—take for example the siege of Odawara in 1590, where Hideyoshi’s army essentially partied in full sight of the Hojo’s castle to show off their overwhelming strength. The castle fell without an assault and only the Hojo’s leaders were ordered to commit suicide. On the other hand, the siege of Hachioji castle in 1590, part of the same campaign, fell in one day due to direct assault and led to the deaths of all of the defenders, both men and women, many of whom committed suicide.
Famous castle sieges include the siege of Odawara, 1590, sieges of Nagashima, the sieges of Ishiyama Hongan-ji (among the longest of all Japanese sieges, lasting multiple years due to the supply of Ikko Ikki fortress by the Mori clan), the sieges of Osaka in 1615, the siege of Hachioji, the sieges of Odani castle, and many more. There are multiple sources on Japanese castles online, including the Samurai Archives, and Jcastle: Guide to Japanese Castles. Print sources in English are also available, the most popular being Steven Turnbull’s books on samurai warriors and book on samurai castles, Strongholds of the Samurai. There also translated books, but many of these are from the 1960s to 1970s, and can be a little dated. You can find info on Japanese castles in general introductions to Japanese architecture, including What is Japanese Architecture and Edo: The City that Became Tokyo.
Unfortunately, I cannot directly answer your questions on weapons and equipment. My concentration is architectural history, and I am particularly fascinated by fortifications.
The Oxford Dictionary's first record of the word workhouse dates back to 1652 in Exeter &mdash 'The said house to bee converted for a workhouse for the poore of this cittye and also a house of correction for the vagrant and disorderly people within this cittye.' However, workhouses were around even before that &mdash in 1631 the Mayor of Abingdon reported that "wee haue erected wthn our borough a workehouse to sett poore people to worke"
State-provided poor relief is often dated from the end of Queen Elizabeth's reign in 1601 when the passing of an Act for the Relief of the Poor made parishes legally responsible for looking after their own poor. This was funded by the collection of a poor-rate tax from local property owners (a tax that survives in the present-day "council tax"). The 1601 Act made no mention of workhouses although it provided that materials should be bought to provide work for the unemployed able-bodied &mdash with the threat of prison for those who refused. It also proposed the erection of housing for the "impotent poor" &mdash the elderly, chronic sick, etc.
Parish poor relief was dispensed mostly through "out-relief" &mdash grants of money, clothing, food, or fuel, to those living in their own homes. However, the workhouse gradually began to evolve in the seventeenth century as an alternative form of "indoor relief", both to save the parish money, and also as a deterrent to the able-bodied who were required to work, usually without pay, in return for their board and lodging. The passing of the Workhouse Test Act in 1723, gave parishes the option of denying out-relief and offering claimants only the workhouse.
Parish workhouse buildings were often just ordinary local houses, rented for the purpose. Sometimes a workhouse was purpose-built, like this one erected in 1729 for the parishes of Box and Ditteridge in Wiltshire.
Parish workhouse, Box, Wiltshire.
© Peter Higginbotham.
In some cases, the poor were "farmed" &mdash a private contractor undertook to look after a parish's poor for a fixed annual sum the paupers' work could be a useful way of boosting the contractor's income. The workhouse was not, however, necessarily regarded as place of punishment, or even privation. Indeed, conditions could be pleasant enough to earn some institutions the nickname of "Pauper Palaces".
Gilbert's Act of 1782 simplified and standardized the procedures for parishes to set up and run workhouses, either on their own, or by forming a group of parishes called a Gilbert Union. Under Gilbert's scheme, able-bodied adult paupers would not be admitted to the workhouse, but were to be maintained by their parish until work could be found for them. Although relatively few workhouses were set up under Gilbert's scheme, the practice of supplementing labourers' wages out of the poor rate did become widely established. The best known example of this was the "Speenhamland System" which supplemented wages on a sliding scale linked to the price of bread and family size. By the start of the nineteenth century, the nationwide cost of out-relief was beginning to spiral. It was also believed by some that parish relief had become seen as an easy option by those who did not want to work. There was also growing civil unrest during this period, culminating in the Captain Swing riots whose targets included workhouses. In 1832, the Government set up a Royal Commission to investigate the problems and propose changes.
In 1834, the Commission's report resulted in the Poor Law Amendment Act which was intended to end to all out-relief for the able bodied. The 15,000 or so parishes in England and Wales were formed into Poor Law Unions, each with its own union workhouse. A similar scheme was introduced in Ireland in 1838, while in 1845 Scotland set up a separate and somewhat different system.
Each Poor Law Union was managed by a locally elected Board of Guardians and the whole system was administered by a central Poor Law Commission. In the late 1830s, hundreds of new union workhouse buildings were erected across the country. The Commission's original proposal to have separate establishments for different types of pauper (the old, the able-bodied, children etc.) was soon abandoned and a single "general mixed workhouse" became the norm. The new buildings were specially designed to segregate the different categories of inmate. The first purpose-built workhouse to be erected under the new scheme was at Abingdon in 1835.
Abingdon Union workhouse, 1835.
Under the new Act, the threat of the Union workhouse was intended to act as a deterrent to the able-bodied pauper. This was a principle enshrined in the revival of the "workhouse test" &mdash poor relief would only be granted to those desperate enough to face entering the repugnant conditions of the workhouse. If an able-bodied man entered the workhouse, his whole family had to enter with him.
Life inside the workhouse was was intended to be as off-putting as possible. Men, women, children, the infirm, and the able-bodied were housed separately and given very basic and monotonous food such as watery porridge called gruel, or bread and cheese. All inmates had to wear the rough workhouse uniform and sleep in communal dormitories. Supervised baths were given once a week. The able-bodied were given hard work such as stone-breaking or picking apart old ropes called oakum. The elderly and infirm sat around in the day-rooms or sick-wards with little opportunity for visitors. Parents were only allowed limited contact with their children &mdash perhaps for an hour or so a week on Sunday afternoon.
By the 1850s, the majority of those forced into the workhouse were not the work-shy, but the old, the infirm, the orphaned, unmarried mothers, and the physically or mentally ill. For the next century, the Union Workhouse was in many localities one of the largest and most significant buildings in the area, the largest ones accommodating more than a thousand inmates. Entering its harsh regime and spartan conditions was considered the ultimate degradation.
Union workhouse, Newtown, Montgomeryshire
© Peter Higginbotham.
The workhouse was not, however, a prison. People could, in principle, leave whenever they wished, for example when work became available locally. Some people, known as the "ins and outs", entered and left quite frequently, treating the workhouse almost like a guest-house, albeit one with the most basic of facilities. For some, however, their stay in the workhouse would be for the rest of their lives.
In the 1850s and 60s, complaints were growing about the conditions in many London workhouses. Figures such as Florence Nightingale, Louisa Twining, and the medical journal Lancet, were particularly critical of the treatment of the sick in workhouses which was frequently in insanitary conditions and with most of the nursing care provided by untrained and often illiterate female inmates. Eventually, parliament passed the Metropolitan Poor Act which required workhouse hospitals to be on sites separate from the workhouse. The Metropolitan Asylums Board (MAB) was also set up to look after London's poor suffering from infectious diseases or mental disability. The smallpox and fever hospitals set up by the MAB were eventually opened up to all London's inhabitants and became the country's first state hospitals, laying the foundations for the National Health Service which began in 1948.
Holborn Union Infirmary, 2003
© Peter Higginbotham.
Towards the end of the nineteenth century, conditions gradually improved in the workhouse, particularly for the elderly and infirm, and for children. Food became a little more varied and small luxuries such as books, newspapers, and even occasional outings were allowed. Children were increasingly housed away from the workhouses in special schools or in cottage homes which were often placed out in the countryside.
Newcastle-upon-Tyne Cottage Homes, Ponteland, 2001
© Peter Higginbotham.
On 1st April 1930, when the 643 Boards of Guardians in England and Wales were abolished and their responsibilities passed to local authorities. Some workhouse buildings were sold off, demolished, or fell into disuse. Most, however, became Public Assistance Institutions and continued to provide accommodation for the elderly, chronic sick, unmarried mothers and vagrants. For inmates of these institutions, life often changed relatively little during the 1930s and 40s. Apart from the abolition of uniforms, and more freedom to come and go, things improved only slowly. With the introduction of the National Health Service in 1948, many former workhouse buildings continued to house the elderly and chronic sick. With the reorganisation of the NHS in the 1980s and 90s, the old buildings were often turned over for use as office space or demolished to make way for new hospital blocks or car parks. More recently, the survivors have increasingly been sold off for redevelopment, ironically, in some cases, as luxury residential accommodation.
Increasingly little remains of these once great and gloomy edifices. What does survive often passes unnoticed. But even now, more than seventy years after its official abolition, the mere mention of the workhouse can still send a shiver through those old enough to remember its existence. In Kendal, the location of a long-gone workhouse is modestly marked in a now renamed side-road. However, some local residents clearly feel this is an institution they would rather not commemorate.
Kendal road signs, 2004
© Peter Higginbotham.
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Proclamation on Ending Discriminatory Bans on Entry to The United States
The United States was built on a foundation of religious freedom and tolerance, a principle enshrined in the United States Constitution. Nevertheless, the previous administration enacted a number of Executive Orders and Presidential Proclamations that prevented certain individuals from entering the United States — first from primarily Muslim countries, and later, from largely African countries. Those actions are a stain on our national conscience and are inconsistent with our long history of welcoming people of all faiths and no faith at all.
Beyond contravening our values, these Executive Orders and Proclamations have undermined our national security. They have jeopardized our global network of alliances and partnerships and are a moral blight that has dulled the power of our example the world over. And they have separated loved ones, inflicting pain that will ripple for years to come. They are just plain wrong.
Make no mistake, where there are threats to our Nation, we will address them. Where there are opportunities to strengthen information-sharing with partners, we will pursue them. And when visa applicants request entry to the United States, we will apply a rigorous, individualized vetting system. But we will not turn our backs on our values with discriminatory bans on entry into the United States.
NOW, THEREFORE, I, JOSEPH R. BIDEN JR., President of the United States, by the authority vested in me by the Constitution and the laws of the United States of America, including sections 212(f) and 215(a) of the Immigration and Nationality Act, 8 U.S.C. 1182(f) and 1185(a), hereby find that it is in the interests of the United States to revoke Executive Order 13780 of March 6, 2017 (Protecting the Nation From Foreign Terrorist Entry Into the United States), Proclamation 9645 of September 24, 2017 (Enhancing Vetting Capabilities and Processes for Detecting Attempted Entry Into the United States by Terrorists or Other Public-Safety Threats), Proclamation 9723 of April 10, 2018 (Maintaining Enhanced Vetting Capabilities and Processes for Detecting Attempted Entry Into the United States by Terrorists or Other Public-Safety Threats), and Proclamation 9983 of January 31, 2020 (Improving Enhanced Vetting Capabilities and Processes for Detecting Attempted Entry Into the United States by Terrorists or Other Public-Safety Threats). Our national security will be enhanced by revoking the Executive Order and Proclamations.
Accordingly, I hereby proclaim:
Section 1. Revocations. Executive Order 13780, and Proclamations 9645, 9723, and 9983 are hereby revoked.
Sek. 2. Resumption of Visa Processing and Clearing the Backlog of Cases in Waiver Processing. (a) The Secretary of State shall direct all Embassies and Consulates, consistent with applicable law and visa processing procedures, including any related to coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19), to resume visa processing in a manner consistent with the revocation of the Executive Order and Proclamations specified in section 1 of this proclamation.
(b) Within 45 days of the date of this proclamation, the Secretary of State shall provide to the President a report that includes the following elements:
(i) The number of visa applicants who were being considered for a waiver of restrictions under Proclamation 9645 or 9983 on the date of this proclamation and a plan for expeditiously adjudicating their pending visa applications.
(ii) A proposal to ensure that individuals whose immigrant visa applications were denied on the basis of the suspension and restriction on entry imposed by Proclamation 9645 or 9983 may have their applications reconsidered. This proposal shall consider whether to reopen immigrant visa applications that were denied due to the suspension and restriction on entry imposed by Proclamation 9645 or 9983, whether it is necessary to charge an additional fee to process those visa applications, and development of a plan for the Department of State to expedite consideration of those visa applications.
(iii) A plan to ensure that visa applicants are not prejudiced as a result of a previous visa denial due to the suspension and restriction on entry imposed by Proclamation 9645 or 9983 if they choose to re-apply for a visa.
Sek. 3. Review of Information-Sharing Relationships and a Plan to Strengthen Partnerships. Within 120 days of the date of this proclamation, the Secretary of State and the Secretary of Homeland Security, in consultation with the Director of National Intelligence, shall provide to the President a report consisting of the following elements:
(a) A description of the current screening and vetting procedures for those seeking immigrant and nonimmigrant entry to the United States. This should include information about any procedures put in place as a result of any of the Executive Order and Proclamations revoked in section 1 of this proclamation and should also include an evaluation of the usefulness of form DS-5535.
(b) A review of foreign government information-sharing practices vis-à-vis the United States in order to evaluate the efficacy of those practices, their contribution to processes for screening and vetting those individuals seeking entry to the United States as immigrants and nonimmigrants, and how the United States ensures the accuracy and reliability of the information provided by foreign governments.
(c) Recommendations to improve screening and vetting activities, including diplomatic efforts to improve international information-sharing, use of foreign assistance funds, where appropriate, to support capacity building for information-sharing and identity-management practices, and ways to further integrate relevant executive department and agency data into the vetting system.
(d) A review of the current use of social media identifiers in the screening and vetting process, including an assessment of whether this use has meaningfully improved screening and vetting, and recommendations in light of this assessment.
Sek. 4. General Provisions. (a) Nothing in this proclamation shall be construed to impair or otherwise affect:
(i) the authority granted by law to an executive department or agency, or the head thereof or
(ii) the functions of the Director of the Office of Management and Budget relating to budgetary, administrative, or legislative proposals.
(b) This proclamation shall be implemented in a manner consistent with applicable law and subject to the availability of appropriations.
(c) This proclamation is not intended to, and does not, create any right or benefit, substantive or procedural, enforceable at law or in equity by any party against the United States, its departments, agencies, or entities, its officers, employees, or agents, or any other person.
IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand this twentieth day of January, in the year of our Lord two thousand twenty-one, and of the Independence of the United States of America the two hundred and forty-fifth.
Fashion History Lesson: The Bob Haircut, Feminism's Ultimate Style Statement
We recently called the short, blunt bob ning official haircut of 2017 after seeing a slew of editorials, runways shows and street style snaps featuring the iconic &aposdo. While bobbed hair always has an air of modernity, there&aposs still something that&aposs undeniably classic about the look. It&aposs no coincidence that a slew of fierce, fashionable females, fromoco Chanel to Anna Wintour, are associated with the bob haircut.
So, what is it about this simple coiffure that seems to represent confidence, individuality and high style? On a subconscious level, it still serves as an indicator of a woman&aposs choice to break from tradition. While cropped hair has been worn by women across the globe for thousands of years, beauty ideals for women throughout the majority of Western history have usually included long hair (a standard that&aposs held far more constant than those ascribed to "ideal"ody types). Of course, there&aposs also something undeniably sexy about the bob. Vogue summed it up aptly in a 1988 story: "When a woman cuts her hair, she creates fresh erogenous zones and effects." Sexy yet sweet, the haircut is somewhat of a paradox: "childishly demure, yet calculating, quirky, and soignພ." 
The look has also coincided with rapid social and political changes in Western society since the start of the 20thꃎntury, although the idea of the rebellious, short-haired woman possibly dates back to Joan of Arc. Flappers helped to perpetuate this image, and, almost a century later, a drastic change in the length of a woman&aposs hair is still known to raise a few eyebrows. In order to better understand its cultural impact, we&aposre looking back at the history of the bob to find out how and why it became a quintessential symbol of feminist fashion and what it says about how women are perceived today.
[Left]: "Jeanne D𠆚rc" by Albert Lynch, 1903, Image: Wikimedia Commons [Right]: Poster featuring Irene Castle, 1919, Image: Wikimedia Commons
Most people trace the popularity of bobbed hair in Western fashion back to the 1920s, thanks to the haircut&aposs close association with the image of the flapper. However, the cigarette-smoking, flask-wielding flapper of the 1920s didn&apost exactly start this trend. In 1920, the New York Times traced the origins of the bob "epidemic" to 1903, when two female students at Bryn Mawr college appeared with short hair to play basketball. The article also claims that bobbed hair became popular in Greenwich Village between 1908 and 1912, thanks to the influence of "intellectual women" from Russia who used bobbed hair to disguise themselves from police. 
While the bob haircut may have been sported by small groups of rebellious women decades before, many historians track the start of the trend to a well-known American dancer named Irene Castle, who lopped off her hair for convenience before entering the hospital for an appendectomy in 1914. An article in Vogue from January 1915 mentions that Castle, "did the newest thing in coiffures when she bobbed her hair," but went on to state that, "there is little likelihood of its general adoption."  Oh, Vogue! How wrong you were.
By May 1915, the same magazine was featuring advertisements for hair "transformers" that would allow women to try this "latest fad" by providing the visual effect of bobbed hair without permanently sacrificing their long locks.  Years before the emergence of the jazz-age flapper, bobbed hair had already started to gain mainstream popularity. Still, most hair dressers were ill-equipped and unwilling to do such a daring chop, and sources indicate that women often resorted to heading to barbershops since barbers were more willing to do such a dreadful deed. 
[Left]: Louise Brooks, 1927, Photo: Wikimedia Commons [Right]: Clara Bow, date unknown, Photo: Wikimedia Commons
Regardless of when it originated, bobbed hair was certainly ideal for the lives of rebellious young women in the 1920s. For one thing, the simple bob haircut perfectly complemented the sleek, tubular silhouettes that dominated women&aposs fashion during much of the decade, and the length ensured that hair wouldn’t interfere with any wild dancing. The distinguishable &aposdo also helped to fuel publicity for actresses like Clara Bow and Louise Brooks, who is perhaps best known for her razor-sharp cut. By the start of the 1920s, the bob had become desired by millions of women across all ages and social classes.
However, the trend for short hair was certainly met with its fair share of controversy. For many conservatives, the appearance of bobbed hair signified that women were — gasp! — trying to "act like men" by going against traditional gender roles and beauty standards. Bobbed hair became associated with the "shocking" behavior of the young women who drank alcohol, wore makeup and bared their knees. Bobbed hair was a permanent signifier of a woman&aposs rebellious nature. Despite the controversy, many women were happy to embrace the haircut&aposs perceived connection to feminism. In 1927, actress Mary Gordon told Pictorial Review: "I consider getting rid of our long hair one of the many little shackles that women have cast aside in their passage to freedom. Whatever helps their emancipation, however small it may seem, is well worth while." 
Meanwhile, those who wanted women to maintain their traditional roles as well-behaved daughters and wives did whatever they could to discourage the trend for bobbed hair. Preachers conducted sermons against it, schools banned it and pamphlets warned young women that short hair would lead to a variety of undesirable health conditions. ਊ New York Times article from 1920 says that young women with disapproving parents went so far as to go to their doctors&apos offices to be diagnosed with falling hair in order to receive a "prescription" for a bob haircut. The article also claims that even conservative society matrons were wearing bobbed wigs to mimic the look, indicating that there really was no way of stopping the trend from spreading across America. 
The Supremes in 1968. Photo: Wikimedia Commons
While bobbed haircuts were specifically mentioned in almost every issue of Vogue from the late 1910s through the end of the 1920s, the magazine only mentioned it by name a very small number of times throughout all of the 1930s, 1940s and 1950s. Of course, plenty of women still sported bobs in various styles throughout these decades, but the once-revolutionary style became less newsworthy in Western fashion, until it became associated with rule-breaking style once again in the 1960s.
It makes sense that short haircuts (including the bob) would rise in popularity during the "Swinging Sixties." The gradual transformation between the conservative fashions and hairstyles of the 1950s into the younger, sportier looks of the 1960s is somewhat similar to the changes in fashion during the 1920s. In addition to hemlines rising and waistlines become looser, changes in the social and political views of the 1960s also echoed life in the 1920s. The modern, youthful looks and haircuts worn by Twiggy, Mary Quant and other style icons also seem to mirror the rebellious looks and lifestyles embraced during the flapper era. The classic bob was given a modern makeover in 1965 by legendary hair stylist Vidal Sassoon, who debuted a more angular version known as the "five-point cut."
The simple bob also inspired the super-voluminous and sculpted hairstyle, known as the bouffant, that was sported by Jackie Kennedy, Mary Tyler Moore, The Supremes and millions of suburban American housewives. Although it may have required a bit of work (and even more hairspray), the bouffant hairstyle helped to make short hair acceptable in Western fashion for all women during the 1960s. By the start of the 1970s, the classic bob had transformed into the longish, sleek bob made famous by Faye Dunaway in Bonnie and Clyde, as well as the messier version that Debbie Harry rocked in the early years of her career.
However, it’s probably safe to say that the most iconic bob of the 1970s belonged to figure skater Dorothy Hamill. After showing off her especially short, rounded bob (and amazing athletic skills) at the 1976 Winter Olympics, the "pageboy" bob became in-demand, and was in turn worn by celebrities like Cher and Kate Jackson from Charlie&aposs Angels.
Dorothy Hamill (center) wins the gold medal at the 1976 Olympics. Photo: Tony Duffy/Getty Images
The bob had another great renaissance in the late 1980s, when celebrities and supermodels like Linda Evangelista made it on-trend once again. In 1988, Jody Shields, a former editor at Vogue, published an article titled "Call Me Garçonne" that recounts the bob&aposs history as a symbol of feminism. Shields attributes the short hair comeback of the late 1980s to the theory that hair tends to change with changes in clothing silhouettes. As the voluminous pouf skirts and shoulder pads of the early 1980s gradually deflated, sleek bobbed hair became the natural choice to go along with the minimal fashions that continued into the early 1990s. List of site sources >>>